
Class . 
Book. 



A 

PARTICULAR HISTORY 

OF THE 

fire fcavsi ^vciich and |huUau hVn 

IN 

New England and Parts Adjacent, 



ITS DECLARATION BY THE KING OF FRANCE, MARCH I 5, I744, TO THE 
TREATY WITH THE EASTERN INDIANS, OCT. I 6, I 749, 

SOMETIMES CALLED 

GOVERNOR SHIRLEY'S WAR. 



MEMOIR OF MAJOR-GENERAL SHIRLEY, ACCOMPANIED BY 
HIS PORTRAIT AND OTHER ENGRAVINGS. 

Bv SAMUEL G^RAKE. 










BOSTON : 

SAMUEL G. DRAKE, 17 BROMFIELD STREET. 

1870. 

O 



Entered, according to Aft of Congress, In the year 1870, 

By Samuel G. Drake, 

In the Clerk's Office of the Distrift Court of the United States 

fur the distridl of Massachusetts. 






OFFICERS AND OTHER GENTLEMEN, 
MEMBERS OF THE 

NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 

WITH WHOM THE AUTHOR HAS BEEN A COWORKER FOR MANY YEARS, AS AN 

AFPRECIATION OF THEIR OFT AND REPEATED EXPRESSIONS OF 

ENCOURAGEMENT AND APPROVAL OF HIS LABORS, 

THIS VOLUME, 

EMBRACING MANY OCCURRENCES IN THE BORDER HISTORY OP THEIR STATE, 
IS 

MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED 

BY THEIR 

ASSOCIATE. 



gii^toni of the |vciuh and |nrtian W^t, 



CHAPTER I. 



PRELIMINARY. 




PREVIOUS to the separation of New 
from Old England, what were since 
"The Provinces," that part of the con- 
tinent (from the mouth of the St. Law- 
rence to the Penobscot) was more valued 
than almost any other part of North 
America. It was thought, both here and 
in England, that Nova Scotia and the 
circumjacent lands and seas could not 
be over estimated. But after the separa- 
tion, New England took but little interest 
in that part of the world, as it was possessed by bitter political 
enemies, exiled there because they had espoused and adhered to 
the cause of the British government. Consequently the in- 
tercourse between the sections at once nearly ceased. Hence 
our writers make small account of the history of the Pro- 
vinces after their separation. But it is time to consider that 
the old political barrier has much decayed, and that in no great 
length of time it will entirely disappear; that the Provinces 




6 Particular History of the 

will become states, part and parcel of the great Union of 
States. When that day shall arrive the particular history of 
the early events of all that sedtion will be sought after with as 
much zeal as any other. Those Provinces will one day 
become populous and wealthy ; the great "tidal wave" of popu- 
lation now setting westward with such vast volume, will over- 
whelm the prairies, the valleys and mountains, till they can 
hold no more. Then the tide must turn, and the negleded 
coasts of Acadia, Cape Breton, and even Newfoundland, will 
be crowded with inhabitants in their turn. 

This the reader may look upon as visionary, and too far in 
the distant future to be taken into consideration in scanning the 
history of New England; yet, with a convidion that such a 
result is sure, the writer has not negleiSted the Provinces 
altogether in the present compilation. 

It was found impraifticable to attempt a connetSted narrative 
of the body of the work; our obje6t being a detail of events 
in the order of time — the events themselves having no con- 
nection — hence that part of the work is denominated a Diary 
of Depredations. This plan has been chosen as best calculated 
to embody the greatest amount of information naturally looked 
for in a work of this kind. 

In former ages people were apparently satisfied with general 
history, and that of a kingdom or empire usually occupied far 
less space than that of a small town in the present age. Even 
up to the time within the memory of the writer, little else 
but general history found readers, and hence the age of par- 
ticular history may be said to be of recent origin. The a<fts 
of individuals without titles seemed to have been considered 
of no interest, while those of kings and their courtiers were 
regarded little short of inspiration. 



French and Indian War. 7 

The great body of the people all over the world were igno- 
rant, and hence easily made to believe that they had little else 
to do but to obey tyrannical rulers, and laud their adions ; 
but a change has been going on, and as people became en- 
lightened they naturally inquired of what account would kings 
and nobles be but for them — the People? Hence follow the 
other enquiries — what have been the a£ts of individuals in 
every great undertaking? who in reality have deserved the 
honor? And whether their privations and sufferings are not 
as much to be the obje<Ss of regard and commemoration as 
though they had by accident, and for no merit of their own, 
been invested with regal honors? 

The following history has been undertaken specially to place 
upon its pages as many of the names of those who participated 
in the war, as well those who suffered by its ravages, as those 
who bore arms in it. Hence the work has been entitled a 
Particular History. And while we regret that our informa- 
tion is not so full, in some respects, as we desire, it is much 
further in advance, in the great objefts of particulars aimed 
at, than anything hitherto published on the same period. Great 
pains have been taken to find out the names, both given and 
acquired, that is, christian and surnames of all parties, and 
generally with more success than was at first expe(£l:ed. Much 
time has been spent in endeavors to make the work as per- 
feifi: in this respeit as possible ; because, in our view of history, 
that history is of value only in proportion as it makes promi- 
nent the real a£lors and sufferers in such history. Of what 
importance is it to a reader to learn that a certain officer, with 
a certain number of followers, on a certain time, attacked a 
defenceless village on a certain river, burnt the houses and 
carried off the inhabitants into captivity? Here is sound 



8 Materials for the Work. 

without sense, unless we know when and where the event took 
place, the names of the captives, the names of the principal 
depredators, as well as the incidents of the transailion. It 
is well known to every reader of our histories, from first to 
last, how lamentably deficient they are in the particulars here 
referred to. 

It was quite a memorable saying of one of the ancient his- 
torians, that geography and chronology were the two eyes of 
history. That historian, or the author of that saying, ought 
to have added a third indispensable, and told us what the soul 
of history is. The reader of this preface will not require to 
be told what the writer considers the soul of history. 

Many who have written histories of the period included in 
this work, scarcely notice above two events in it, and those in 
the most general terms. They tell us of the capture of 
Louisbourg and the sacking of Fort Massachusetts ! And yet 
it was a war of about five years' duration — the entire Eng- 
lish frontier, from Nova Scotia to the mouth of the Monon- 
gahela, was laid waste by fire and sword! At least a thousand 
people were killed and carried into captivity, exclusive of the 
losses of soldiers. The greatest sufferers were those who 
from necessity were obliged to make their homes in the wild- 
erness border, and thus met the brunt of savage cruelties. To 
those our attention has been specially direfted. 

Within the last few years a very important source of in- 
formation has been laid open, by the publication of documents 
from the French archives. The state of New York has 
caused to be copied from those archives whatever related to her 
borders, and printed them in an economical manner; thus 
rendering them accessible to everybody. These documents 
consist of minute particulars of all transactions in Canada 



J 



Materials for the Work. 

during the French rule in that country; the French inter- 
course with and management of the Indian nations; how the 
Indians were employed by them in wars, and what was efFeded 
by them thus employed. All these documents were transmit- 
ted to France, have been well preserved, and through the 
liberality of the French government are now open for exa- 
mmation. The importance of those bearing on the period of 
th.s history will be observable by the reader in its perusal 

It appears from an examination of the transcripts taken 
from the French war office, that there was scarcely an expe- 
dition, of however small a number of men it consisted, but 
what was authorized by the government of Canada, and a 
record made of its setting out, of its return, and the success 
or 111 success it met with. All these we now have, which is 
some advantage over those who have written without them 

Materials of our own are very fragmentary all along during 
the existence of the colonies. These had no common head 
and each operated, in war and peace, on its own account. Hence 
there was no central point to which all matters of consequence 
might otherwise have been deposited, and thus have afforded the 
historian the means for composing a history of any particular 
period. Newspapers, now the great history of the world of 
everybody and everything, were very i^^ a hundred and fifty 
years ago, and even one hundred years ago, and those i^^ had 
often slender means to arrive at the truth. Fadls had to 
travel a great distance generally to get into type, and then it 
was old news, and if incorrecft was not found out in time to 
make the necessary correction of any value to those immediately 
interested. However, notwithstanding these considerations, 
fads are contained in the newspapers of the times, highly 
valuable and indispensable, especially as they often come in as 



B 



lo Benjamin Dooltttle. 

vouchers of other accounts, affording comparisons by which 
unmistakable truths are arrived at. There were fewer maga- 
zines than newspapers, and the accounts in these were generally 
copied from the former, which circumstance renders them of 
less historical value. 

Of all the authorities useful to the historian, contemporane- 
ous narratives are the most valuable ; but these, upon the period 
under consideration, are very few, and some of these few are of 
such extreme rarity that they were unknown to most writers 
of history in a few years after they were published. The 
compiler of the ensuing work has been fortunate in his 
acquaintance with, and in having the use of several of this 
description of materials. To the author of one of these he 
has been much indebted ; an author deserving the most honora- 
ble mention, yet almost entirely unknown, even in the seflion 
of country to which his work particularly relates; and the 
time has not yet arrived among the people there, in which a 
sense of their obligations has manifested itself, in any way, of 
which the writer is aware, beyond a head and foot stone in a 
cemetery at Northfield, with a commonplace inscription upon 
the former. 

This neglefted author was the Reverend Benjamin Doo- 
LiTTLE, of whom the following particulars have been obtained. 
He was born in Wallingford, Connedticut, July loth, 1695; 
was son of John Doolittle of the same town, and grandson 
of Abraham Doolittle, the emigrant ancestor, who is found in 
New Haven about 1640. Benjamin was by a second marriage 
of John with Grace Blakesley, of whose early education and 
life no fadts have been met with. It is only known that he 
was a graduate of Yale College in 17 16, at the age of 



Benjamin Doolittk. 1 1 

twenty-one years.* It is not material to know with whom he 
studied theology, but it is known that he was settled in the 
ministry at Northfield in 1718, in which office he continued 
about thirty years. His death was very sudden, occasioned, no 
doubt, by what in these days is termed the heart disease. A 
sermon was preached at his funeral by the Rev. Jonathan 
Ashley, of Deerfield, from the texts of Mark xiii, 37, and 
Rev. iii, 3, from which it appears that he died "January 9th, 
I748,t in the 54th year of his age, and 30th of his ministry." 
The sermon was printed in Boston in 1749, making an oftavo 
of twenty-six pages, but, as is usual with such performances, 
contains little information respedting the subjeft of it, beyond 
its title page. Besides the date of his death, and age, there 
are the following lines to his memory, upon the stone mark- 
ing the place of his burial : 

Blessed with good intelleftual parts, 
Well skilled in two important arts, 
Nobly he filled the double station 
Both of a preacher and physician. 
To cure men's sicknesses and sins, 
He took unwearied care and pains j 
And strove to make his patient whole 
Throughout, in body and soul. 
He lov'd his God, lov'd to io good, 
To all his friends vast kindness showM ; 
Nor could his enemies exclaim, 
And say he was not kind to them. 
His labors met a sudden close, 
Now he enjoys a sweet repose ; 
And when the just to lite shall rise. 
Among the first he'll mount the skies. J 

* For these few genealogical items we f This date is old style, of course, 

are indebted to the Hon. Mark Doolittle, J Copied in Barber's Historical Collec- 

late of Belchertown, a very distant con- tions of Massacfiuietts^ 268. It seems not 

nedlion of Benjamin, and a gentleman of to have come to the knowledge of Bridg- 

high standing in Hampshire county. man, who coUeiSed and published what 



12 Benjamin Doo/ittle. 

There was also published in a Boston newspaper this brief 
notice of Mr. Doolittle's death: "We are informed that on 
the 9th instant, the Rev. Mr. Doolittle, pastor of the church 
in Northfield, was suddenly seized with a pain in his breast, as 
he was mending a fence in his yard, and died in a few min- 
ute's time, to the inexpressible grief of the town in general, 
as well as his own family in particular." * 

Had not Mr. Doolittle been so suddenly taken away it is pre- 
sumed he would have perfefled and published his history of 
this war himself; for it is one of the most important and 
valuable records of it, so far as his plan extended, that can be 
found of any similar period in our history. His location gave 
him the best means of ascertaining the truth of the trans- 
adtions, all of which he appears to have narrated with singular 
impartiality. It was doubtless well known to many that he 
kept a record of the events of the war, as not long after his 
death his manuscript was obtained and printed ; but who 
superintended the printing, and made "the small additions to 
render it more perfeiSt," no intimation is given in the work. 
Its title is as follows: "A short Narrative of the Mischief 
done by the French and Indian Enemy, on the western Frontiers 
of the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; from the Beginning of 
the French War, proclaimed by the King of France, March 
15th, 1743-4; and by the King of Great Britain, March 29th, 
1744, to August 2d, 1748. Drawn up by the Rev. Mr. Doo- 
little, of Northfield, in the County of Hampshire ; and found 
among his Manuscripts after his Death. And at the Desire -of 
some, is now published, with some small Additions, to render it 

he calls the Inscripiions in the Graiie honored with Brief Annah of North- 

yards in Nortliampton and of other Toivns amptofi . 

in the Valley of the ConneBicut, 1850. * Boston Gazette and Weekly Journal, 

This work the venerable Dr. Wm. Allen January 24th, 1749. 



French and Indian War. 1 3 

more perfedt. Boston : Printed and sold by S. Kneeland, in 
Queen Street, MDCCL." It is a small oitavo pamphlet of 
24 pages only.* 

There is another work by the same author, but upon a dif- 
ferent subjeft, which is probably the only one he ever pub- 
lished, and known only to the writer from an advertisement. 
Its title is — -"An Enquiry into Enthusiasm, being an Account 
of what it is, the Original, Progress and EfFe£t of it," 1743. 
Perhaps written on the occasion of the Whitefield excitement. 

It was the original intention of the writer to publish a 
history of all the French and Indian wars, from the first set- 
tlement of the country to the final destruction of the French 
power on this continent ; the number of volumes to equal the 
number of those wars, and he has during many years past 
made large collections, and extensive notes for that purpose. 
This volume not being in the order of time, that is, not the 
first in the series of those wars, but is made the first of the 
series, because the materials for it seemed more complete than 
any other; and here it may be well to give the reader an idea 
of the war periods to which reference is made : 

The first was the Ten Years War, which followed the revo- 
lution in favor of William III, Prince of Orange, 1688 to 
1698, during the administrations of Governors Phips and 
Stoughton, and sometimes called King William's war. Of 
this war Dr. Cotton Mather has given a history under the 
partial title of Decennium Lufluosum. 

The second was during the governorship of Joseph Dudley, 
Esq., 1703 to 1713, alfo a Decennium Lu£iuosu7n; and called 
Governor Dudley's Indian War. 

* See Appendix, A. 



H 



French and Indian War. 



The third was in the term of Lieutenant-Governor Dum- 
mer's chief magistracy of Massachusetts, 1722 to 1725, and 
called Governor Dummer's Indian War. 

The fourth was during a period of Governor Shirley's ad- 
ministration, 1744 to 1749, the period covered by the present 
volume. 

The fifth extends from 1754 to the fall of Quebec, and 
final reduction of Canada. All of which comprehends a 
period of about seventy-two years, for nearly the whole of 
which time the entire frontiers of the English colonies were 
harassed by war, in the manner described in the ensuing pages ; 
and whether other volumes will be published of the other war 
periods, depends on several contingencies not necessary to be 
mentioned. 




pmmme^ms-- 



i«J9-i 



u ^ >,' >■ "?■ V ••'•v'lw 



CHAPTER II. 

NOTICE OF GOVERNOR SHIRLEY. 

Being a Review of a Portion of his Administration, in which an Attempt is made to correft 
Misstatements concerning it. 




THE biography of Governor Shir- 
ley has been unreasonably, and, it 
I) may be said, unaccountably negledted by 
all the biographers and historians of 
^Gji New England ; while there have been 
few men of the eighteenth century who 
have belonged to New England, who 
have filled so important a place, and per- 
formed such signal services as he. The reason for this negledl 
and injustice will be shown in the course of this notice. 

The biography of Gov. Shirley here proposed is intended only 
as introductory to the history of the part of his administration 
including the Five Years Indian and French War embraced in 
the present work. His life is yet to be written, and will form 
a volume of the history of New England, if in skillful hands, 
inferior in interest to none, saving, perhaps, that of the Pil- 
grims. Therefore, in the present chapter it is only intended to 
review some erroneous statements which have hitherto passed 
for history. 

Some untoward circumstances in the later war conspired to 
render Mr. Shirley's plans abortive. This is no uncommon 
fortune, and such have often happened to men of the greatest 
and best abilities. Whenever a man attains a position in any 



1 6 Governor Shirley. 

great undertaking, sappers and miners set busily at work to 
destroy his reputation. They often succeed, and pass off the 
stage of life undetected, except by their own consciences. 
They could not but know that history would expose them at 
some period in the future. 

There does not appear the slightest grounds for questioning 
the patriotism of Governor Shirley. He made great sacri- 
fices, and by his watchfulness, energy, and perseverance, the 
enemy were baffled in their hopes of subjecSling this country 
and bringing it under Catholic domination. The danger was 
imminent when this war commenced, and Governor Shirley 
exerted himself to the utmost to avert such an event. No pa- 
triot of the Revolution of 1775 could have done more in 
asserting the rights of America than he did to avert the im- 
pending danger of falling under the rule of France. Some 
modern historians seem to have had no appreciation of his 
services, owing to a very superficial knowledge of the history of 
the times of which they were treating. They even bring the 
charge against him, that of "restoring British authority in the 
country ! " A most extraordinary charge, considering that 
there was no other legal authority in the country.* Perhaps 
the laws may not have been so well executed before Mr. 
Shirley's accession as they were afterwards. If this was 
"restoring British authority," every good citizen had reason 
to rejoice. Surely nobody thought, at that early day, of in- 
dependence of England, for without her aid New England 
would indubitably have become a province of France. Go- 
vernors were not appointed to subvert the authority of the 
crown, but to see that the laws of the realm were faithfully 

* See Bancroft, His{ory of the United severe, for we have been intimate fritnds 
States. I hope he will not think me very hard upon forty years. 



Governor Shirley. 17 

executed. Mr. Shirley did this to the entire acceptance of the 
country. 

A contemporary historian,* an adopted citizen of Boston, 
generally opposed the measures of Mr. Shirley. His opposi- 
tion, so far as can now be judged, arose from a fault-finding 
disposition, as he brings forward nothing against him except 
his acquiescence in the issue of paper money; but for which, 
as everybody knows, the Louisbourg expedition could not have 
been carried on. All issues of paper money are evils, and can 
only be warranted to prevent much greater evils. Could the 
Rebellion of 1861 have been put down without the aid of 
paper money? It was a gigantic evil, but what adjeftive 
have we that can express the magnitude of the evil if the 
Rebellion had not been put down.? 

Governor Shirley had his enemies. They are the conse- 
quence of success. To judge correftly of a man's charafter we 
must take the evidence of his cotemporaries, those known for 
their integrity, whose utterances have come down to us unim- 
peached, and whose lives are without reproach. Governor 
Hutchinson has spoken as highly of Mr. Shirley as one contem- 
porary can be required to speak of another, and as his evidence 
must be familiar to all readers of New England history, it need 
not be repeated here ; but we will take that of one of equally high 
standing, though less known, from the fadt that his evidence 
appeared without his name, for prudential reasons. This was 
the Honorable William Livingston, author of the Revieiu of 
the Military Operations.,^ etc., 1753 to 1756, with a full and 
accurate knowledge of all transaftions in which Governor 
Shirley was engaged, thus speaks of him : 

« Dr. William Douglass. published in London, 1757. 410, and re- 

f Sec Sedgwick's Life of Livingston, printed in Boston immediately after, in 
page 114. That able work was first the same form. 

c 



i8 Governor Shirley. 

"Of all our plantation Governors, Mr. Shirley is most dis- 
tinguished for his singular abilities. He was born in England, 
and bred up to the law at one of the inns of court. In that 
profession he afterwards pradticed, for several years, in the 
Massachusetts Bay, and, in 1741, was advanced by his majesty 
to the supreme command of the colony. He is a gentleman 
of great political sagacity, deep penetration, and indefatigable 
industry. With respeft to the wisdom and equity of his 
administration, he can boast ot the universal suffrage ot a wise, 
free, jealous and moral people." 

Against this chara6ter of Gov. Shirley, drawn by an impar- 
tial and truthful contemporary, assertions to the contrary, by 
any at this distance of time, will hardly seduce those wishing 
to be well informed, into a belief of charges of the nature 
alluded to. " Ambitious and needy," says a modern historian. 
As to the first of these crimes, perhaps he (the accuser) may 
have no anihition ; but the value of a man without that quality, 
to our apprehension, would be too small tor estimation ; and 
as to the charge of being needy, that was a consequence, as 
well as an evidence, of his integrity and honesty. This lat- 
ter charge has rarely been made against public officers. Hence 
his enemies have never charged him with enriching himself at 
the expense of the province. 

Another sin is also laid to the governor's charge — he 
upheld the Episcopal church ! Was it not a requisite that all 
officers of the crown should be Protestants of that denomi- 
nation? Did he ever interfere with other sefts? Not at all. 
No such charge was ever brought against him, that has come 
within our knowledge. He was ambitious that all should have 
their rights, and in his account of the taking of Louisbourg, 



Governor Shirley. 19 

which he sent to the Duke of Newcastle,* and in his letters 
afterwards to men in power, he was aml/itious that New Eng- 
land should not be robbed of its honors in that important 
service, and eventually was a principal means of obtaining for 
the country reimbursement for its expenses and sacrifices in 
that great undertaking, so long withheld through the misrepre- 
sentations of its enemies. 

His letter to the Duke of Newcastle was accompanied by 
a journal of what transpired from the commencement of the 
expedition to the capture of Louisbourg. Both are written 
with admirable clearness, and at once discover superior literary 
ability, impartiality to all parties concerned, and a truthful- 
ness unsurpassed by any writer of the time. 

By the following adtion of the representatives of the co- 
lony, the estimation in which Governor Shirley's services 
were held is a noble acknowledgment of their appreciation, 
happily expressed, in these words: "It is with great pleasure 
we observe that you have once and again been the instrument 
in the hands of Divine Providence, of preserving the garrison 
of Annapolis, a province of Nova Scotia, from the French, 
more especially in the year 1744, when, by the forces vour 
excellency sent from this province, it was snatched out of their 
hands, then just in possession of the fort ; and again in the 
year 1745, when they were broken up in their siege of it by 
your surprising and successful attempt on Cape Breton ; and 
now, again, when there was such a number of Canadians and 
others going against it by land and sea. 

" But these things, although they have the efFedts of great 
wisdom, care, and application in your excellency, for which 

* And *■ published by authority," by The same was afterwards reprinted here 
E. Owen, Warwicic Lane, 1746, Svo. in Boston, by Order of" the General Court. 



20 Govertior Shirley. 

every good Englishman rejoices and is thankful, yet they have 
been performed at a great expense, more especially to this pro- 
vince, and therefore we cannot but be much concerned at the 
frequent return of this danger; not only because of the great 
difficulties in removing it from time to time, but also by 
reason of the doubt, whether by some surprise, impossible to 
be foreseen, this barrier of his majesty's dominions, of such 
mighty consequence, may not some time or other be lost, if it 
continues in its present exposed condition." 

They go on and express a hope that his excellency may be 
able to suggest some remedy against the traitorous praftices of 
those French subjects of Nova Scotia who, though proteiSed 
by the British government, were using all means to destroy it. 

After the patched up peace between England and France, in 
1748, commissioners of the two governments met in Paris in 
1750, to settle the boundary line between the two countries 
in America. The able memorial of this negotiation was 
written by Gov. Shirley, in which he showed that all the land 
between the St. Lawrence and Penobscot rivers belonged to 
England.* In 1753 he returned to his government in Massa- 
chusetts. The next year he explored the Kennebec river, and 
caused the ere£tion of Fort Halifax and Fort Western. 

While in France he married a second wife, privately it is 
said, at which many took umbrage, insinuating that he had 
taken a lady below him in social standing, and a Catholic 
besides ; but as nothing is met with to the contrary, it is pre- 
sumed that whatever of misfortune, if any, accrued from this 
marriage, proceeded from a spirit of detraction which soon 
died away. 

* Jeremiah Dummer had many Years The Imfortanct of Cape Breton, page 13. 
previous asserted the same claim. See London, 1746- 



Governor Shirley. 21 

In the war made memorable by its bringing George Wash- 
ington into notice, and the defeat and death of General 
Braddock, Mr. Shirley was appointed a major-general in the 
British army, and he set vigorously to work to complete the 
conquest of Canada, fully convinced that there could be no 
safety for New England so long as it was under the dominion 
of the French. For this great object his plans were unques- 
tionably well laid, and failed only through the inability or 
treachery, or both, of those on whom he was compelled to 
depend, to perform their parts in the undertaking. But as this 
cannot be discussed in a manner at all satisfaftory, and does not 
belong to our present work, it is only necessary to remind the 
reader that a vindication of Maj.-Gen. Shirley has long since 
been triumphantly performed.* 

It is a necessity in all wars to displace commanders if they 
do not happen to be successful in some important acftion, even 
if a misfortune happened entirely outside of their control. 
This was Gen. Shirley's situation, and it was enough for his 
enemies to seize upon, and through it ruined his prospects of 
future usefulness. But he lived to see a turn in that sort of 
tidal wave which rises far higher than it is able to maintain 
itself. Although for a time he was coolly treated, and met 
with some delay in getting his accounts through the hands of 
certain public officials, yet he was far from having been treated 
with obloquy, as some have insinuated. 

Much injustice has been done Mr. Shirley by superficial 
writers who have not taken the pains to go to the sources of 
information ; had they done so they would not have found him 

* See the able and conclusive work London, 1758, 8vo. A\sOj A Review af 
entitled The ConJuSl of Major-General the Alilitary Operations in North America. 
Shirley in North America, briefly stated. 410, London, 1757, before cited. 



22 Go'vernor Shirley. 

claiming any honors not belonging to him, or shuffling oft re- 
sponsibility while an issue was doubtful, or claiming credit when 
such issue was to shed honors on those engaged in it.* 

His extreme watchfulness while danger seemed imminent 
from a vast French fleet hovering on the coast during the 
summer of 1746, is strikingly apparent in many instances which 
cannot be detailed here, while they fall within the province of 
the historian of New England. 

Claimants to the honor of an enterprise are not wanting 
after it has proved successful. So in the case of the Cape Bre- 
ton expedition, there were no less than three noted gentlemen 
who, or their friends for them, laid claim to originating that 
of 1745. These were Col. James Gibson of Boston, Robert 
Auchmuty, Esq., also of Boston, and Major William Vaughan 
of Damariscotta.f The first named was a wealthy merchant, 
and is said to have advanced ,£500 towards setting the expedi- 
tion on foot, accompanied it, and afterwards published an ac- 
count of it. Respecting Mr. Auchmuty's claim, it is said that 
while an agent in England to adjust the boundary line be- 
tween Massachusetts and Rhode Island, he published a work 
on The Importance of Cape Breton.^ and a Plan for taking the 
Place. Not having met with this performance, and its date 
being unknown, it must have been of small consequence, 
especially as secrecy was of the first importance. Besides, the 
capture of all and any important points from the French were 
common and daily topics of conversation. Mr. Auchmuty 
was the grandfather of the late Sir Samuel Auchmuty, a lieu- 

* Dr. Eliot unfortunately fell into this Vjughn," and had a block-house there 

error in his generally good biographical with fourteen men in it which performed 

notices of New England men scout duty. See Eaton's Thomaston, 

f He was then (1744-5) called " Capt. I, page 54. 



Governor Shirley. 23 

tenant-general in the British army, and remembered on ac- 
count of his expeditionary voyage to South America in 1806. 
Mr. Hutchinson, then speaker of the House of Representatives, 
makes no mention of Auchmuty in connection with the 
Louisbourg war, nor does he of Gibson, but he says (what he 
does not appear fully to sandion) that Vaughan " was called the 
projedor of the expedition." That "it is probable he laid 
before the Governor a proposal for it, and it is certain he took 
great pains to induce the people to think favorably of it." A 
late author* says Vaughan first proposed the matter to Gov. 
Wentworth, who referred him to Gov. Shirley. 

But the careful reader of this part of the history of New 
England has seen, that as early as May 14th, 1744, M. Du 
Vivier sailed from Louisbourg with an army of about 1000 
men, captured Canso, and carried the garrison prisoners to 
Louisbourg. These prisoners being soon exchanged, and on 
returning home gave such an account of the defenceless state 
of the city, and of the fortifications there, that Gov. Shirley 
was satisfied the place might be captured, if attempted before 
it could be reinforced from France. Many were so zealous as 
to urge a winter expedition to the island, nothing doubting but 
that the fortifications could be carried by an escalade, by rea- 
son of the great depth of the snow, which usually lay in drifts 
they said, even with the tops of the walls of the fortifi- 
cations. 

Mr. Vaughan had traded there, and was well acquainted with 
the place from the reports of those he employed. In 1 744 
he was carrying on a fishery at Montinicus, and fittino- out 
vessels for that purpose at Portsmouth, in New Hampshire 
when the question of a secret expedition was raised, and into 

* Judge Potter in his History of Manchester^ 217. 



24 



Governor Shir ley. 



which he entered with an energy and boldness very properly 
termed rashness. He was a son of Lieutenant-Governor 
Vaughan of that province. The most that he ever claimed of 
the honor of originating the expedition, judging from the pub- 
lication probably authorized by him, was that "of having 
revived, at least, if not of being the original mover and pro- 
je(5tor of this grand and successful enterprise." * In another 
place the same writer remarks: "That Mr. Vaughan first set 
the expedition on foot; nay, that he revived it, when abso- 
lutely rejeiSed by the General Assembly ; that he behaved with 
all the gallantry and bravery as well as zeal for the service 
whilst it was going on, that could be expedled from a person in 
a much higher rank, are iz&.% which stand in need of no 
proof," according to certificates and original letters then in 
the hands of Mr. Vaughan. f 

After a careful investigation of 
the period covered by the adminis- 
tration of Governor Shirley, it is 
confidently assumed that few, if any, 
of the colonial Governors of New 
England had more at heart the 
good of the country than he. His 
disinterested patriotism was, no 
doubt, a great benefit beyond his 
immediate administration, and was 
not without its influence on his able 
and fortunate successor, Governor 
Thomas Pownall. 

Governor Shirley lived till the 




* The Importance and Advantage of cotnidered. London, 1746, 8vo, p. 128. 
Cape Breton^ truly stated and impartially j" Ibidem, 131. 



Governor Shirley. 25 

commencement of the turbulent times which preceded the 
Revolution. He was then quite aged, and we do not find that 
he took any part in the political movements of that time. 
He was absent from the country through the most of that 
period, but returned, and died at his seat in Roxbury, March 
24th, 1771, aged about seventy-eight years. His name is 
perpetuated by having been given to several places, though the 
compilers of gazetteers do not seem to have known the fail. 
Point Shirley perpetuates it in the vicinity of Boston. This 
place was so named with much ceremony, in 1753.* 

The remains of Governor Shirley were deposited in King's 
Chapel, Boston. 

It was so much the fashion of American writers subsequent 
to the Revolution, to decry those who had been in the service 
of the crown, that impartiality is seldom to be found in their 
accounts of them ; and we are sorry to see the same prejudices 
lurking in popular works even to this day. 

A circumstance which afFe6led the reputation of Mr. Shirley 
immediately after he was superseded in command in America, 
should not be overlooked by his biographer. Two of his suc- 
cessors met with a fate similar to his ; one. Lord Loudon, from 
causes which he quite satisfactorily proved he could not con- 
trol, while the other. Gen. James Abercrombie, failed from 
causes which have not been urged in excuse or mitigation. 
The consequence was the three commanders were indiscrimi- 
nately buried in the same grave of public opinion. Then 
came Wolfe, Monckton, Murray and Amherst. The British 
lion was at length fully aroused. Warned by the mistakes of 
Braddock and Abercrombie, the guidance of the pioneer 
woodsmen of New England was listened to, and the fall of 

* See Nczv England Hiitorical and Genealogical Rcghlcr^ XIII, pjgc lli 

D 



26 Governor Shirley. 

Canada ensued. What Gen. Shirley, and others who labored 
with him, had done, was turned to the account of those they 
had made fortunate by their sacrifices. Hence it followed that 
all which had been achieved by Mr. Shirley and his com- 
panions in arms was lost sight of, and all the credit and glory 
were heaped upon their more fortunate successors. The say- 
ing is true, that "truth is mighty and will prevail," but it is 
often sunk so deep in the mire of falsehood, that it is a long 
time in coming to the surface. 

Mr. Shirley promoted William Johnson to an important 
command, who, in a most treacherous manner, played false 
to him, and intrigued with the unscrupulous Delancy to blast 
the prospects of his benefadlor. And it has since plainly 
appeared, that few men at any time ever realized greater re- 
nown on so small an amount of merit, as General, afterwards 
Sir William Johnson. But we leave him to his biographer. 

Had circumstances favored the well-laid plans of an expe- 
dition against Canada, the enemies of Gen. Shirley would have 
been silenced ; and, when it is well known that that expedition 
failed through the evil intentions and intrigues of men high in 
office, it ill becomes the modern historian to pronounce the 
plans of Gen. Shirley visionary and ill-conceived. 

The vast preparations of France against New England, in 
1746, have been alluded to, upon which it is proposed to be a 
little more explicit. Those gigantic preparations exceeded 
anything of the kind in magnitude since the armada of Spain 
for the conquest of England in 1588. Fortunately for New 
England, the elements and disease fought for the devoted 
country, which otherwise must, in all probability, have been 
laid waste by an embittered and relentless enemy. 

In consequence of the knowledge Governor Shirley had 



Governor Shirley. 27 

that this French armada was hovering on the coast, he could 
not uncover the important points on the sea-coast until assured 
that the danger was past. When he had the positive intelli- 
gence that the armada was so severely handled by tempests and 
disease as not to be feared, the season was so far advanced that 
the invasion of Canada, as originally ordered by the home 
government, could not be prudently undertaken. And above 
all, the men of war from England, which were to cooperate, 
had not appeared. To turn the services of a great body of 
men, which had been raised for the Canada expedition, to some 
account, one against Crown Point was suggested. This was 
agreed to by the other colonies, Connecticut and New York ; 
but owing to the lateness of the season, and their tardy move- 
ments, nothing was efFeifted. 

Will it any longer be alleged that the Canada expedition of 
1746 was a Quixotic one, for the failure of which Governor 
Shirley was alone responsible.? When every one can assure 
himself that Gov. Shirley, as did the other governors of the 
other provinces, received the "express commands" of his ma- 
jesty, through his prime minister of course, that "men be 
forthwith raised" for that expedition; that owing to the failure 
of support in due season, as- already remarked, the main de- 
sign could not be entered upon ; it was therefore hoped, as the 
New England men raised for the reduction of Canada were 
already in the field, something might be eifedted with them 
against Crown Point before the winter should set in. With 
this take into view, that every part of the frontier was beset 
by the enemy, now at liberty from the overthrow of their 
armada, to operate with which they had been kept in readiness 
during the summer. Now, even Albany was in such peril that 
no one could safely venture a quarter of a mile from its gar- 



28 Governor Shirley. 

risons.* It was from this perilous condition of the country 
that Gov. Shirley, with the promised assistance of New York 
and Connecticut, strove night and day to relieve the people. 
Everybody then well understood that Crown Point was the 
great hive whence issued the principal war parties of the 
enemy; that there was their magazine of provisions, arms and 
ammunition ; that there they retreated and replenished after 
every expedition against the frontiers; and therefore an effort 
should be at once made to break up that horde of assassins ; 
that until it should be broken up, no relief of a substantial 
charadler could be expe£ted. The objed was manifestly 
worthy of an extraordinary effort, and was entered into with 
zeal. New Hampshire agreed to furnish looo men, Con- 
nedlicut 600, and Rhode Island 400, to be joined with the 
2000 ready in Massachusetts. Why it was not attempted to be 
carried into efFeiSt, has already been explained. 

Detra£f:ors of Gov. Shirley's reputation, some time after 
the Cape Breton expedition, put in circulation a report that 
before the capture of Louisbourg he uniformly spoke of the 
undertaking, in his speeches to the General Court, as "their 
expedition," and after the place was taken, as "my expedi- 
tion," as though he intended, in case of failure, to shirk all 
responsibility. We have failed to find any such expressions ; 
and, on the other hand, we have found a straightforward man- 

* The enemy had become so elated by and had seldom failed in securing and 

success, that marauding parties, when carrying off his prey, even from within 

protefled by the night, had even ven- the confines of the city of Albany. An 

tured into the suburbs of the city, and Indian named TomontuiUmon had become 

there laid in wait to take prisoners, noted for such exploits. Smith's New 

One of the enemy's Indians was peculi- York^ Continuation, 482. 
arly expert in enterprises of this kind, 



Governor Shirley. 29 

liness in that and all other of his proceedings, of which any 
honorable man might be proud.* 

With a hw fafts respeding the personal history of Go- 
vernor Shirley, this notice will be closed. 

The exadt date of the arrival of Mr. Shirley in New Eng- 
land has not been met with. It is said to have been six or eight 
years previous to his appointment as governor of Massachu- 
setts. Hence he came probably between the years 1733 and 
1735, as he was one of the original subscribers to Prince's 
Annals, which was published in 1736. His family appears not 
to have come over until after his appointment as governor, 
in 1 74 1. His wife, it is said, did not join him here till after 
the latter date, but continued in England, using her endeavors 
to obtain for him the office of colledor of the port of Boston, 
which to him was preferable to the governorship; but Mr., 
afterwards Sir Henry, Frankland, secured that place. 

We have in another work f had occasion to give a sketch 
of the origin of the family from which Governor Shirley 
descended, and will therefore not be particular on that head in 
this place. Suffice it to say that he was descended from a Sus- 
sex family, was son of William Shirley of London, by Eliza- 
beth, daughter of John Goodman. Mr. Shirley died in 1701, 
when our William was but seven years of age. He married 
Frances, daughter of Francis Baker, of London, by whom he 
had William, mortally wounded with Gen. Braddock at the 
Monongahela, in 1755; John, a captain, in the army, died at 
Oswego ; Thomas, born in Boston, governor of the Leeward 
Iflands, a major-general in the army, a baronet in 1786, died 
in 1800. Of the daughters, Elizabeth married Eliakim 
Hutchinson ; Frances married William Bollan, the king's ad- 

* See Appendix, A. -j- Hiitory and Aniiquhki of Boston. 



30 Governor Shirley. 

vocate in the court of vice admiralty in Massachusetts. She 
died March 21st, 1744, in her 24th year, in giving birth to 
her first child. Harriet married Robert Temple, Esq. ; Maria 
Catharine married John Erving, Esq., of Boston, who, at one 
period, resided in Milk street.* 

In the midst of his great cares and anxieties Governor 
Shirley lost his wife, a lady held in great esteem by all 
classes of the community. She died on the 31st of August, 
1746, and was interred in King's Chapel, September 4th fol- 
lowing, where a monument with an elaborate inscription in- 
forms us that she was born in London in 1692, that she had 
four sons and five daughters, and that she was "the perfect 
love and delight of this province." f Dr. Colman preached 
a sermon on the occasion of her death, which was printed. 
The Rev. Mr. Commissary Price, of King's Chapel, had also 
preached "a sermon very suitable to the mournful occasion." 

At one period, probably before he was appointed governor, 
Mr. Shirley lived in what was then King street. On assuming 
the gubernatorial chair he, as was the custom of the govern- 
ors of the province, resided in the Province House, nearly 
opposite the head of Milk street. Some time after he became 
governor, he purchased a tradl of land in Roxbury, adjacent 
to the line dividing it from Dorchester; on this he eredted 
an elegant mansion, some twenty-five rods from the main 
road, which stood in all its ancient grandeur until about 1867. 
It then was purchased by William Elliot Woodward, Esq., 
and converted into several dwellings. For many years it was 
known as the Eustis estate, it having been owned and occupied 

* To a descendant, Mr. Shirley Irv- which the copy accompanying the worlc is 
ING of Boston. I am indebted for the loan obtained, 
of a portrait of Governor Shirley, from f See^oi/. Ncivi Letter^ ii Sep., 17+6. 



Governor Shirley. oi 

by Governor William Eustis ; from which latter circumstance 
the main avenue leading thence to Boston is named Eustis 
street, but with much greater propriety would have been called 
Shirley street. Unfortunately propriety is seldom considered in 
conferring names in and about Boston. After the death of 
Gov. Shirley the estate appears to have belonged to his son-in- 
law, Eliakim Hutchinson, who, having left the country in the 
time of the Revolution, it was confiscated to the state, and it 
was used to quarter soldiers in while the British troops held 
possession of Boston. After the Revolution (about 1793 or '4) 
one Dubuque occupied it, a refugee from the French revolu- 
tion. He brought with him a cook named Julien, who after- 
wards became celebrated in Boston as an eating-house keeper, 
or restaurateur, at the corner of Congress and Milk streets. 





CHAPTER III. 



CharaOcr of the Warfare of the Period — Proceedings of the Governor of Canada — French 
Account of I-'xpeditions against the English Frontiers — French Story of their Wrongs. 

HE mode of warfare pradticed in the 
times of which the history is now 
undertaken, exhibits all parties in a 
state of deplorable barbarism. This 
war was but little more than one 
hundred years ago. It was carried 
on, especially on the part of the 
French, as though humanity had no 
the nature of their rulers. They fitted 
Jreds of parties of savages for the ex- 
3se of proceeding to the frontiers of the 
tlements, shooting down poor men while 
tilling their fields to raise crops to support their families, seizing 
their wives and children, loading them with heavy packs 
plundered from their own homes, then driving them before them 
into the wilderness. These, when faint with hunger and unable 
longer to stagger under their burdens, were murdered, their 
scalps torn off and exhibited to their civilized masters on their 
arrival at French headquarters ! And for such trophies bounties 
were paid ! 

Thus, year after year this pradtice went on. Many read the 
history of these wars as they read a romance. It is no ro- 
mance. It was an awful reality to thousands. It should be 
so far realized by every one, that all who read may have a true 
sense of what their homes, now so pleasant, have cost. 




French Management. 33 

It was an easy thing for Europeans to gain the confidence of 
savage Indians. This done, it was quite as easy a matter to 
impose upon them. When Europeans were at war among 
themselves, each party could gain to itself numbers of Indians 
by presents and falsehoods. The French made the Indians 
believe that the English had cheated them in trade, had taken 
their lands without giving them any equivalent, and thus made 
them believe that they ought to drive them out of the country. 
The English did the same thing, but not to so great an extent, 
for they never could make themselves such favorites with the 
Indians as the French could, for reasons not now necessary to 
be stated.* 

As early as the 13th of 0£tober, 1743, the Governor- 
General of Canada, M. de Beauharnois, wrote to Count Mau- 
repas, the French minister at Versailles : " The Lake of the 
Two Mountains may be regarded as the place which would be 
exposed to the first attack in case of rupture with our neighbors, 
and as that whence aid could be easily drawn for the different 
incursions which would be made into that colony. The nations 
composing the three villages, number over three hundred war- 
riors, who to bravery conjoin a strong attachment towards the 
French, and whatever is connected with the service of the king 
in whose name all business among them is transacted. Situated 
as they are, at the head of the towns and rural settlements of 
the colony, not only are they in a position to offer the first 



* That by the intermarrying with the ail manner of cruelties upon the English, 

Indians, they have always a great number as meritorious. Jeremiah Dumner's Mt- 

of Jesuits and priests with them ; and by mmal to Ministry of England. 1710, in 

instructing them that the Saviour of the The Importance^ etc., of Cape Breton^ pp. 

world was a Frenchman, and murdered 18, 19. Dr. Cotton Mather has some- 

by the English, they are excited to commit thing very similar in his Magnalia. 

E 



34 Population of Canada. 

resistance, but also to discover any parties of Indians in alliance 
with the English, and to put us on our guard against them." 

Hence a comparison of the condition of the two countries is 
not difficult to be made, which cannot fail to show that the 
French of Canada had a most decided advantage over the 
English colonies in a war of that period. They had nearly all 
the Indians on their side, while the English none, or too iev! to 
be taken into the account. 

The French population of Canada at this period must be 
considered. Ten years previous (1734) there were 8000 men 
able to bear arms, of which number 6600 had arms, and there 
were on hand then about 100,000 pounds of powder. Not 
only had the number of men greatly increased by the year 1744, 
but the quantity of warlike stores had, it is reasonable to 
suppose, increased proportionably ; fortifications, too, had 
been increased in number, and old ones repaired, and their 
armaments augmented. On the 27th of March, 1745, Go- 
vernor Clinton wrote to the Duke of Newcastle, that he had 
ascertained that the French forces in Canada were nearly thus : 
Militia, Indians, and regular troops, on the St. Lawrence, ten 
to thirteen thousand able to bear arms ; thirty-two companies of 
regulars of thirty men each, these companies not being half 
full. The Indians numbered five hundred and seventy, exclu- 
sive of allies at a distance, namely — "Cacknawages, about two 
hundred and thirty ; Conessetagoes, sixty ; Attenkins, thirty ; 
Neperinks, thirty ; Missiquecks, forty ; Abenaques at St. Fran- 
cis, ninety ; Obinacks at Be^ancourt, fifty ; Hurons at Lorette, 
forty."* 

The population of Massachusetts was, at the same time, 
scarcely 200,000 souls ; about equal to that of the city of 

* The reader may find it rather difficult to identify some of these tribes. 



Population of New England. 35 

Boston alone at this time. The other three colonies, New 
Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connedicut, did not probably 
contain more than Massachusetts; so that in New England, in 
1744, the whole number of people may have been something 
under 400,000. Connecticut was next in importance to Massa- 
chusetts, containing about half as many people, and New 
Hampshire about 30,000, and Rhode Island about one thousand 
less than New Hampshire. 

It is in the next place proposed to give a specimen of the 
French accounts of their operations in Canada for fitting and 
sending out parties to distress the frontiers of New England, 
from their headquarters at Montreal. 

It should be remembered that French dates differ from the 
English; that is to say, the dates of the same transactions 
which happened on the same day, differ by eleven days, because 
the French dated by the Gregorian reform of the calendar, 
which the English did not adopt until 1752. Therefore, when 
an aftion is said by a French writer to have happened on 
August 3d, 1746, an English writer would date the same event 
eleven days earlier, namely, July 23d. 

When the great number of murdering and robbing parties 
sent out from time to time by the French is considered, it is 
not a little surprising that they did not do more mischief than 
they did. It is indeed surprising that anything was left unde- 
stroyed on all the frontiers, from one end of the country to the 
other. Those details thus commence: 

"December 30th, Lieut. St. Pierre left Montreal with a 
detachment, consisting of two lieutenants, two ensigns, on full 
pay, four second ensigns, seven cadets, one surgeon, and an 
interpreter, three volunteers and one hundred and five colonists, 
making in all one hundred and twenty-six Frenchmen, and 



36 French Expeditions. 

thirty-seven Iroquois and Nepissings, to encamp in the neigh- 
borhood of St. Frederick, for the purpose of opposing the 
enemy's attacic against said fort." 

Fort St. Frederic was at Crown Point, and by the English 
called Fort Frederick. The place had been previously called 
Point de Cheveux, by the French. 

"1746, January 24, Sieur St. Luc de la Corne was sent to 
reinforce Sieur de St. Pierre, with a detachment of one second 
ensign, six cadets, two volunteers, one hundred colonists 
thirty Iroquois, who have remained under Mr. de St. Pierre's 
orders until the ist of April, when they arrived in this town, 
after having made divers scouts on Lake Sacrament and in the 
neighborhood of the above fort. 

"January 31, Capt. Desabrevois has been detached with 
Chevalier de Niverville, ensign and fifty-three Iroquois, to the 
South river, in Lake Champlain, on occasion of an alarm. 

"March 16, Chevalier de Niverville, officer, and Sieur 
Groschesne Raimbault, cadet, left this town with some Ab- 
naquis Indians, on their way towards Boston, and returned with 
some scalps and prisoners, one of whom he took with his own 
hand. Sieur Duplessis Jr., an officer, started at the same time 
with six Algonkins and Nepissings in the same direction, and 
joined the preceding party, with whom he returned, bringing in 
a prisoner who was captured at the same time. 

"April 20, a party of fourteen Iroquois, belonging to the 
Sauk St. Louis, commanded by Ontassago, the son of the 
grand chief of that village, who sojourned at Fort St. Frederic, 
and made several scouts to Sarasteau [Saratoga]. 

" Theganacoeiessin, an Iroquois of the Sault, left with two 
Indians of that village, to go to war near Boston. They 
returned with two prisoners and some scalps. 



French Expeditions. 37 

"Thesaotin, chief of the Sault, left with twenty-two war- 
riors belonging to that village, to make war in the direiSion of 
Boston. They returned with some scalps. One Iroquois was 
killed and two wounded of the party. 

" Ganiengoton, chief of a party of eight Iroquois, belonging 
to the Sault, set out in the diretSion of Boston, and returned 
with two scalps. 

"April 26, a party of thirty-five Iroquois warriors, belonging 
to the Sault, set out. They have been in the neighborhood of 
Orange [Albany] and have made some prisoners and taken 
some scalps. 

"A party of twenty Abenakis of Missiskouy, set out towards 
Boston and brought in some prisoners and scalps. 

"April 27, a party of six Iroquois of the Sault St. Louis 
struck a blow in the neighborhood of Orange. 

"May 7, six Nepissings started to strike a blow in the 
diredtion of Boston, and returned with some scalps. 

"May 10, Gatienoude, an Iroquois of the Five Nations, 
who has been settled at the lake for two or three years, left 
with five Indians of that village, and Sieur St. Blein, to strike 
a blow in the neighborhood of Orange. This small party 
brought in one prisoner. Gatienoude, the leader of the party, 
is killed and scalped by the English on the field of battle. 

"May 12, six Iroquois Indians of the Sault set out towards 
Boston, and returned with some scalps. 

"May 15, ten Indians, part Iroquois of the Sault, and part 
Abenakis, set out to strike a blow in the diredtion of Boston. 
They made an attack and brought away some scalps. 

"May 17, thirty-one Iroquois, belonging to the Lake of the 
Two Mountains,* struck a blow in the neighborhood of Boston, 

* Near the mouth of the Ottawas river, about nine miles below Montreal. 



38 French Expeditions. 

and brought back some prisoners and scalps, and laid waste 
several settlements on their way back. 

"May 18, ten Nepissings left, who struck a blow towards 
Boston. 

"A party of eight Iroquois belonging to the Sault has been 
fitted out, and has been to make an attack in the same direction. 

"May 22, nineteen Iroquois belonging to Sault St. Louis, 
have been equipped. They have been to strike a blow in the 
direiEtion of Orange. 

"May 24, a party of eight Abenakis of Missiskouy, has 
been fitted out, who have been in the dire£tion of Corlard, and 
have returned with some prisoners and scalps." By Corlard is 
probably meant Corker's kill below Albany. 

" May 27, equipped a party of eight Iroquois of Sault St. 
Louis, which struck a blow near Orange, and brought back six 
scalps. 

May 28, a party of twelve Nepissings, who made an attack 
in the neighborhood of Boston, have brought away four scalps, 
and one prisoner whom they killed on the road, as he became 
furious and refused to march. 

"A party of Abenakis of Missiskouy, struck a blow near 
Orange and Corlard,* and brought in some prisoners and scalps. 

" Equipped a party of ten Iroquois and Abenakis, who joined 
together to strike a blow towards Boston, and returned with 
some scalps. 

"June 2, equipped a party of twenty-five warriors of the 
Sault, and three Flatheads, who joined the former in an expe- 
dition to the neighborhood of Orange, and who returned with 
some scalps. 

* Corlaer's creek, twenty-eight miles below Albany ? 



French Expeditions. 39 

"June 3, equipped a party of eighteen Nepissings, who 
struck a blow at Orange and Corlard. 

" June 4, equipped a party of sixteen Iroquois of the Sault, 
who return to where they have already struck a blow. 

"June 5, equipped a party of eleven Nepissings and Algon- 
kins, who have struck a blow in the neighborhood of Boston, 
and have brought in some prisoners, 

"June 6, equipped a party of seventeen Nepissings, who 
have struck a blow in the diredlion of Boston, and brought 
back some scalps. These Indians have had two wounded. 

"June 8, equipped a party of eight Iroquois of the lake, 
who have struck a blow near Guerrefille.* 

"June 12, equipped a party of ten Abenakis Indians, who 
struck a blow in the direftion of Boston. 

"June 13, equipped a party of six of the same Indians, who 
made an attack in the direftion of Boston. 

"Equipped a party of nine Nepissings and Algonkins, who 
have struck a blow in the Boston country. One of these In- 
dians was wounded. 

"June 17, equipped a party of ten Abenakis, who went to 
make an attack at the river Kakecoutef, and were defeated near 
a fort ; their chief, Cadenaret, a famous warrior, has been 
killed ; the remainder returned with some scalps, and left others 
which they were not able to bring away, the dead having 
remained too near the fort. 

"June 1 9, equipped a party of twenty-five Indians of the 
Sault St. Louis, who struck a blow near Orange. One or two 

* Perhaps a settlement at or near the but gives no reason for it. 

mouth of Green river, then called f Probably the Dutch fort at Schaghti- 

Green's Farms. The editor of the Nc-w coke, which was on the Hoosuc river. 

York Col. Doc's, X, 33, calls it Deerfield, See August 20, 1746. 



40 French Expeditions. 

of these Indians were wounded; they brought away some 
scalps. 

"June 20, equipped a party of nineteen Iroquois of the Sault 
St. Louis, who went to Orange to strike a blow. 

"June 21, equipped a party of twenty-seven Iroquois of the 
same village to go to Orange; Sieur Carqueville, an officer, and 
Sieur Blein, a cadet, have been of this party, which has brought 
in a prisoner that was on the scout to Sarasteau [Saratoga], and 
some scalps. 

"July 1 6, Lieutenant Demuy left this town with a detach- 
ment under his orders, consisting of five ensigns, six officers of 
militia, ten cadets, forty-eight settlers, and about four hundred 
Indians, partly our domiciled Indians, and partly some from the 
upper country. This party tarried at Fort St. Frederic, and 
has been employed scouting, and working on the river au 
Chicot, where they have felled the trees on both sides to render 
its navigation impradticable to our enemies. Several of these 
Indians have formed parties and been out on excursions, Mr. 
Demuy having been ordered to wait for the party commanded 
by Mr. de Rigaud, whom he joined. 

"August 3, Mr. de Rigaud de Vaudreuil set out [on his 
expedition which resulted in the capture of Fort Massachusetts, 
extrafted in that account further on]. 

"August 31, equipped a party of Iroquois of the Sault, con- 
sisting of six men. Also a party of eight warriors from the 
same tribe, from whom no report was had when the dispatch 
was made up." 

Such is a sample of the manner pursued towards the people 
of the frontiers, and this was called making war for the interest 
of the French nation! Retaliation in the same kind was ex- 
pe£led, and would have been justified as honorable warfare ; 



Indians with the French. 41 

but, as will be seen, the people of New England were not pre- 
pared for retaliation, and never efFecSed but very little in that 
kind of service. 

The following minutes accompany the French record of ex- 
peditions for the years 1745 and 1746: "June 30, thirty-eight 
Iroquois of the Five Nations came to speak in council. July 23, 
thirty-one Outawois of Detroit, some of whom returned home, 
being unwilling to go to war; sixteen Wild Rice (Folles 
Avoines); fourteen Kiskakons of Detroit, who gave proofs of 
their fidelity to the French, and who have all been to war ; 
four Sioux came to the council to demand a commandant, who 
could not be granted them. August 2, fifty Poutewatamies ; 
fifteen Puans and ten Illinois came to go to war ; five Outa- 
wois of Michilimakinac, and forty Outawois of the Forks who 
have been on the war path. Aug. 10, sixty-five Mississaguez 
from the head of Lake Ontario ; eighty Algonkins and Ne- 
pissings from Lake Nepissing, near Lake Huron, who have 
been to war; fourteen Sauteurs came with the Outawois from 
Michilimakinak, to go to war. 22 Aug., thirty-eight Outawois 
of Detroit, seventeen Sauteurs, twenty-four Hurons, and four- 
teen Poutewatamis ; a portion of all these who came on the 
last date were of Mr. Rigaud's detachment" [at the taking of 
Fort Massachusetts]. 

It is true the French had their story of wrongs, and their 
complaints should be heard and their accounts brought to the 
same test as our own. Therefore a few of their charges have 
been selefted, and will now be introduced. 

Towards the end of December, 1744, the English com- 
mitted the following treacherous ails and barbarities. M. Ga- 
non, having the command of a detachment of English troops, 
was sent to observe the retreat of the French and savages before 
F 



/ 



42 French Co?nplaints. 

Port Royal in Acadia, where he found two lonely cottages of 
the Mikmaks. In them were five women and three children, 
and two of the women were big with child ; but, regardless of 
these things, they plundered the cottages and inhumanly butch- 
ered the five women and two children, committing adts upon 
the murdered women too revolting for recital. 

No adt corresponding to this is found in the English annals ; 
nor have we found, among those engaged on the side of the 
English, any one of the name of Ganon. The only name 
approaching it is that of Gorham; but though Capt. Gorham 
was employed in expeditions to Nova Scotia, at the head of a 
body of Cape Cod Indians, we do not meet with him there till 
some time after this. 

The next count in the French charges (though they say it 
happened five months before the other) is against "one David," 
captain of an English privateer, who having artfully set up 
French colors in the strait of Frousac, or Frowsack,* where, 
by means of a renegade who served under him as interpreter, 
inveigled the chief of the Indians of Cape Breton, and his 
family, to come on board his ship. The name of the chief was 
James Padenuque. They confined him in a dungeon, carried 
him to Boston, and in the end stifled him in a vessel on board of 
which he was put under pretence of sending him back to his 
own country. With this chief his son was taken, eight years 
of age. Him they kept, and would not restore, perfidiously 
refusing to do so, notwithstanding his ransom had been paid by 
the restoration of several prisoners. 

All this may be true, though nothing like it has found its way 
into authentic records, that we can recognize. As to "one 

* Called on Charlevoix's Map, Passage as the Gut of Canso, separating Nuvi 
du Canceau. By the English it is known Scotia from Cape Breton. 



French Complaints. 43 

David," it possibly has reference to Capt. David Donahew, 
with whom we shall presently meet. 

In the month of July, 1745, "the same David" got by 
stratagem an Indian family into his hands, but they escaped 
"the very night they were taken." At the same time they 
took the Indian interpreter, named Bartholomew Petitpas, and 
carried him prisoner to Boston, refused all offers of ransom, 
and finally put him to death. 

In the same year (1745) a priest, missionary among the 
Indians, was invited to Louisbourg by some of the principal 
English officers to confer upon public matters. He had their 
letters guaranteeing his safe return; but, when he was in the 
power of the English, they took him and sent him to England. 

Also, in the same year, at Port Toulouse,* they dug up the 
dead bodies of several Indians and burnt them. They likewise 
desecrated places of burial, by breaking down all the crosses. 
This was the work of some inhabitants of Boston. 

"The horrid affair of 1746," of selling the Indians woolen 
goods, "all poisoned," so that, in the basin of Mejagonche,f 
upwards of two hundred of them died, is probably wholly an 
invention, and has reference to the clothes of dead mariners 
distributed amongst the Cape Sable Indians by French naval 
officers, of which mention will be found elsewhere in this 
history. 

The next and last charge to be noticed here, is, that in 1749, 
towards the end of the month of July, when the inhabitants of 
New France were strangers to the suspension of arms, the 

* Formerly called Port St. Peter, on -j* Perhaps the same as that called on 

the coast of Cape Breton, just at the en- Charlevoix's Map, Maganck\n<hey and on 

trance of the Strait of Frousac. Amer. some English maps, Alcr/ignas/i^ on the 

G<j2!., i2mo, 1776. southern coast of Acadia. 



44 



French Accusations. 



Indians had taken some prisoners on Newfoundland. These 
prisoners informed their captors of the peace, and were at once 
liberated, treated as brethren, and entertained in their wigwams. 
Yet, on the first opportunity, these perfidious guests, at mid- 
night, murdered five and twenty of these innocent and un- 
suspecting people ! 

These accusations or charges are the substance of speeches 
delivered to the eastern Indians by the Count de Raymond, to 
inflame them to prosecute the war. 








CHAPTER IV. 



Condition of the Inhabitants on the Frontiers — Declaration of War by France and England — 
Line of Forts ordered — Canada little known to the English — No Security for the English but 
in its Conquest— Causes of War — French Right to Canada — Jesuits at Penobscot — Nova 
Scotia — The English Colonies not united — Question of Boundaries — Fort Oswego built — 
The Six Nations — Assure the English of their Support — The French seize Canso — Attempt 
Annapolis — Siege raised — The Mohawks — A Council at Stockbridge — Attempt to secure 
the Eastern Indians — War declared against them — Their Murders — Reward offered for 
Scalps and Indians — Indian Council at Albany — Attempt to secure the Penobscots. 




LWAYS when war existed between 
England and France, nothing was 
expected by the North American 
colonists but that their frontiers 
were to be a scene of blood, and 
those who contemplate the circum- 
stances of the settlers at this dis- 
tance of time, will, without much . 
refledion, wonder that people could be found who would thrust 
themselves several miles into the wilderness, and take up an 
abode, knowing the perils to which a war exposed them. To 
understand this state of things we have only to refletft that 
almost the whole population were poor, and, as families in- 
creased, the young men must provide for themselves and their 
families. Their means would not allow them to purchase land 
already taken up, and thus settle down with those previously 
located, and of course in more security. Hence, young men 
from old families, and others from abroad, in times of peace 
located themselves often far in advance of earlier settlers. In 
such situations these found themselves on the breaking out of 



46 Frontier People. 

war. Then the question recurs — why did not such settlers 
retire to the older settled places when war existed ? Here 
again a little reflection teaches that families thus isolated, in a 
short space of time become quite strangers to those from whom 
they were separated, and hence have no place of refuge in that 
direftion ; or very likely the families from which they separated 
are poor like themselves, and unable to provide for fugitives, 
however near of kin they may be to them. And then, parents 
and other kindred are swept off by death, often times, or have 
removed to other places. Thus it is easy to see how a poor 
frontier family is exposed in a time of Indian wars. Such 
families have made homes, and they have no others; children 
are multiplying among them ; to abandon those homes was to 
abandon all means of living, and to throw themselves upon the 
charities of strangers. These will feel little compassion before 
a disaster strikes those flying before it ; and yet may overflow 
with sympathy when such sympathy can be of no benefit. 

Another consideration is to be kept in view in estimating the 
liability of the frontier settlers to the horrors of a savage war- 
fare. It must be borne in mind that in those days this people 
was nearly cut off from a knowledge of the politics of their 
time; that their means of knowing what was passing in Eu- 
ropean courts, and even but a few miles distant, and in their 
own country, were not only extremely scanty, but such as they 
did receive was very dubious and uncertain ; and hence they 
often knew nothing of war until a deadly blow was struck in 
their very midst. Thus it cannot fail to be apparent to every 
reader of the history of the times included in this treatise, how 
important it is that the above considerations be kept in mind to 
enable them to have even a small appreciation of the hardships 
and sufferings of our immediate ancestors. 



JVar Declared. 



47 



The war which began in 1744 took the frontiers by sur- 
prise, although such an event had not only been feared by the 
officers of the colonial governments, but was anticipated, yet 
with a faint hope it might be averted by the negotiations then 
going on between the agents of George the II, and those of 
Louis XV, the occupants of the respective thrones of England 
and France. The French monarch was encouraged by that of 
Spain, Philip V, who had been feebly fighting England for 
about five years. The Spanish war did not, however, immedi- 
ately affed: New England, and General Oglethorp was success- 
fully opposing the aggressions of Spain at the south. 

Thus stood the political atmosphere, when suddenly pro- 
ceeded from Versailles the formal declaration of war by France 
against England. This was done on March 15th, 1744, and 
on the 29th of the same month England accepted the chal- 
lenge, declaring war against France in return.* 

It was about two months before the news of the declaration 
of war reached New England, while the French and Indians of 
Canada had the intelligence near a month earlier, and immedi- 
ately commenced the work of destruction. Governor Shirley 
was alive to the condition of things, and at once raised five 
hundred men to be stationed at points where attacks were ex- 
pedted ; three hundred of them were for the service on the 
eastern border, and the other two hundred for the upper valley 
of the Connecticut river. 

There had arrived in Boston harbor, some time before the 
news of the declaration of war, most opportunely it is certain, 
twenty cannon of forty two pound caliber, and two thirteen 
inch mortars, which had been forwarded by the home govern- 

* These declarations may be seen at Memoirs, I, 44-47. American Maga- 
large in Beatson's Naval and Military zinc, I, 381, 384. 



48 War Preparations. 

ment for Castle William. All necessary equipments came 
with them, as mortar beds, carriages, shells, shot, etc. The 
ships in which they came arrived on the last day of the year 
(1743) and the war materials were landed on Long Wharf, and 
thence in sloops taken to the castle, the last on January 21st, 
1744.* 

Soon after the news that war had been declared was received, 
the General Court of Massachusetts ordered a line of forts to 
be constructed, to extend from the Connecticut river to the 
boundary of New York, and ninety-six barrels of powder were 
sent to supply the inhabitants. This was not a gift, but was 
dealt out to them at cost. 

Few of the people of New England knew anything about the 
frontier of Canada, while every point of the border of New 
England was well known to the Indians. Many of these had 
constantly traded with the English at their houses, and conse- 
quently knew minutely their situation, and hence became sure 
guides to the French in their expeditions. Indeed, some of the 
Indians had lived in the immediate vicinity of many of the 
towns, and the people had become so accustomed to them, that 
they looked upon them as friends, and flattered themselves with 
the hope, that in the event of another war they would be 
friends, and side with them rather than with their enemies. 
But no sooner was it known to them that war had been resolved 
upon, than all these Indians withdrew to Canada, and at all 
times aCted as guides to the French soldiers. They would 
have done the same thing for the English under like circum- 
stances, because plunder was the chief, if not the sole cause 
which always governed their conduit. It is doubtless true, as 
the writer has stated in another work,! that, in some instances, 

* American Magazinr, I, 176, 219. f The Old Indian Chronicle, p. j. 



Importance of Canada. 49 

the settlers had wronged them in various ways ; perhaps insulted 
and abused them, and treated them as inferiors, without reflecEt- 
ing that "Indians never forget injuries." The Indians often 
had too much reason to complain of being over-reached in 
trade, by those authorized by the government to traffic with 
them.* 

It is easy to discern how deplorable was the condition of the 
scattered settlers thus circumstanced. It was likewise easy to 
discern that so long as the French were masters of Canada, a 
liability of war between France and England would always 
exist. To live in a continual state of suspense in times of 
peace, and fear of the tomahawk and scalping-knife in times of 
war, could only be endured in the hope that the time would 
come when they could triumph over their enemies. This could 
only be expecSted by the redudlion of Canada. 

The conquest of Canada had long been contemplated, and 
several times attempted, but hitherto those attempts had all 
proved abortive; another war had commenced, and with 
prospedls not at all improved. Nothing remained for New 
England but to make the best defence it could, and this under 
the certain prospedt of a bloody contest. 

For any one to take a different view of the relation between 
the French of Canada and the English of New England, that 
is, to suppose those peoples could ever live as distinft nations, 
without collisions, was an absurdity too palpable not to be seen 
by every individual of the latter; and yet there were many able 
men in England using all their influence against dispossessing 
the French of Canada ; and even after the fall of Quebec, 

* See Journals of the Gen. Court, 7 July, 1739. 

G 



50 Natural Rnetnies. 

Secretary Pitt was urged in a publication,* addressed to him, 
written with much power and great ability, to give up all 
thoughts of insisting upon a treaty with France in which 
Canada should be given up to England ! The arguments made 
use of were in the interest of those who thoup;ht more of an 
income from sugar plantations in the West Indies than the 
lives of thousands of their countrymen on the borders of New 
England, and are therefore not worth a refutation or a repetition 
here. 

People may become so familiar with hardships and dangers 
as to regard them less than may be imagined by those at a dis- 
tance from them. Were it not so, few could be found to face 
them again and again, and year after year, and from generation 
to generation. 

It has been said that the English and French are natural 
enemies. This will be conceded only by those who consider 
men as wild animals. The real cause of the contentions 
among men is the ambition to take what does not belong to 
them. There can be no question but that Canada belonged to 
the French rather than the English, if prior occupancy gave 
right. The French claimed also by prior discovery. But the 
English claimed by the same right, though they claimed no 
further north than forty-five degrees of north latitude. By the 
year 1613, the French had extended their settlements from the 
Gulf of Saint Lawrence to the mouth of the Penobscot. f 

* An octavo of 148 pages, in bourgeois a settlement at the mouth of the Penob- 

type, entitled, A Letter to a Great Minis- scot in I 6l I j ** et ils furent les pierres 

ffr, luhcrein the Demolition of the Fortiji- fondamentales de ces missions dans cette 

cations of Louisbourg is shoivn to be absurd^ partie de PAmerique Septentrionale." Ar- 

and the Importance of Canada fully re- gall carried them off, upon which event 

futed. London, 1761. they remaric : "lis furent sur le point 

f According to the relations of the d'etre mis a mort par des corsaires anglais 

Jesuits, two of their number commenced qui les avient pris." 



Importance of Nova Scotia. 51 

Their settlements were declared to be encroachments, and in 
this year one Capt. Argall was sent from Virginia to dispossess 
them, which he performed in the ruthless manner of the times. 
This was the commencement of hostilities between subjefts of 
the two crowns on any part of North America. No perma- 
nent settlement by Englishmen had then been made here. 
From this time, 161 3, to the treaty of Paris in 1763, one 
hundred and fifty years, numerous wars occurred between these 
two nations, during the existence of which the settlements in 
New England were disturbed by frequent alarms, and the 
horrors of savage cruelties. 

Nova Scotia* being considered the key to the eastern 
colonies of New England, Oliver Cromwell, in his time well 
understood the importance of that country. He accordingly 
sent an expedition and reduced it to the rule of England. This 
was in 1654, but by the treaty of Breda, in 1667, it was re- 
stored to France. 

For a long time it was extremely doubtful which nation 
would ultimately possess the North American provinces. The 
contest was surely to be revived so long as both parties laid 
claim to it, or portions of it, because both fully understood its 
vast importance, in a commercial point of view.f But the 
great difficulty with the English colonists was their own con- 
tests amongst themselves, chiefly about their boundaries, in 
which contests they spent more money than it would have cost 

* The AcaJiaof the French; so called the treaty of Utrecht, 1713, it was con- 
by them in allusion to Arcadia in the ceded to belong to France, and to extend 
Grecian Peloponnesus, but with what pro- from the Gulf of the bt. Lawrence to the 
priety I cannot determine. Genuine Ac- Penobscot. 

counts of Nova Scotia^ p. 3. London, f The Contest in America^ by an Im- 

1750, 8vo It was granted to De Monts, partial Hand^ p, [x] 800. London, 1757. 

in 1603, by Henry IV, of France. By An able and valuable work. 



52 ■ French Forts. 

them to have kept the French within the bounds allotted to 
them. Thus, a judicious writer of the time remarks, that 
while the colonies were wasting their substance contending for 
the bone, the French ran away with it.* 

At this comparatively early day the colonies seem not to 
have learned the value of union, which they so well under- 
stood about twenty years later, when oppression came from the 
mother country. And yet they had seen that it was by a want 
of union among the Indian tribes that they had been able to 
establish themselves in the country. They did not need the 
instruftions of Caesar, who said of the conquest of the Britons, 
that "while everyone fought for himself they were all easily 
overcome." 

Thus it was, that while New Hampshire and Massachusetts 
were contending about their boundaries, and New Jersey and 
New York were at bitter feuds about theirs, the master key 
to all of them, Crown Point, was seized upon by the French, 
who there built Fort St. Frederic in the year 1731. 

Aware of the great importance of the avenues by water 
from the lakes of Canada to the English settlements on the 
Atlantic coast, Mr. Burnet, when governor of New York, in 
1727, built, at his own expense, Fort Oswego, as a counter 
movement to the French proceeding in eredting Fort Niagara, 
at the entrance into Lake Ontario of the Niagara river, on the 
New York or eastern side, a point commanding more com- 
munications, over a vast country, easterly and westerly, than 
any other point in North America at that time, and for many 
years after. 

Having little to fear from any but the New England colonies, 
the French had been slow to complete their cordon of fortresses 

* The Contest in America^ etc., p. la. 



Counter a£lion of Mercenaries. 53 

towards the south; and it was not till the year 1754 that they 
commenced one at that very important point, the confluence 
of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers. 

It was well known that great opposition was exerted by cer- 
tain English merchants and traders of New York, to prevent 
their own government from securing the important posts of 
Crown Point and Oswego, because it was for the pecuniary 
interest of those traders that those places should remain in the 
hands of the French. And thus it was they got easy possession 
of those places, and for years quietly possessed them. Even 
the Indians of the Five Nations saw how, that through the 
avarice of the few the honest were plundered, and did not fail 
to protest against this state of things, at the same time shrewdly 
remarking, that "the French built their forts with English 
strouds." 

So reckless do men become when their private interests are 
in anticipation. With such indifference and disregard of the 
public welfare, a few years more and all would have been lost ; 
for, as to the respeiStive claims of the French and English to 
territory in North America, that of the former, to say the 
least, was as good as that of the latter. Indeed, neither had 
any rights here further than they had acquired them by aftual 
settlement and permission from the aborigines where any claim 
was set up by them. But these premises have been fully dis- 
cussed elsewhere.* 

On the 1 8th of June, 1744, agreeably to the request of the 
governor of New York, a great number of the Indians of the 
Six Nations, consisting of the "Mohawks, Oneydes, Onon- 
dagas, Tuskaroroes, Cayeuges, and Sennekes," assembled at 
Albany and held a conference with Commissioners of Indian 

* See Old Indian CkromcU, edition of 1867, 4(0, Chap. I. 



54 Indian Conference. 

Affairs, "in order to renew, strengthen, and brighten the cove- 
nant chain that had so long tied them and the subjecSs of His 
Majesty the Great King their Father in mutual ties of friend- 
ship." After the governor had recounted to the Indians the 
intentions of the French to make them subservient, and to 
draw them off from their allegiance to the English king, and 
requesting a promise from them to stand by and defend their 
allies the English, they made answer in the strongest terms, 
that nothing should cause them to abandon their friends; "that 
it should not be in the power of the devil himself" to divert 
them to the French ; that though they did not think it just that 
they should seize any of the French that came among them 
and deliver them to the English, as the Indians should not be 
the aggressors, yet the English might come and take them ; but 
they inclined to peace, until some of His Majesty's subje£ls 
were attacked. In short, their reply was full of good sense. 

As already remarked, the French of Canada having the 
news of the declaration of war above a month earlier than the 
English of New England, and having been in expeftation of 
the rupture, had prepared themselves to aft with promptness ; 
so that in three days after receiving the news from France, 
Gov. Duquesnel,* of Nova Scotia, dispatched M. Duvivier 
from Louisbourg,-^th an armament against Canso, about 
twenty leagues distant, which he entered in the night of the 
13th of May, surprised the garrison, consisting of about eighty 
men, burnt the fortf and other buildings, and returned to 
Louisbourg with his captives. 

* He died on the following September Douglass, Summary, I, 340. 
(•744)> 3"<i was succeeded by M. Du- f Douglass says "it was an insignifi- 

chambon. Memoirs of the War, p. 32. cant place, and did not deserve the name 

'' Du yuesncl was a good old soldier, of fort." /i;</., I, 339. True of many 

while Du Chambon was an old poltroon." English places nominally held by them. 



Attack on Annapolis. 55 

T'he first news the English had of the event was brought to 
Boston by a fisherman, who happened to be on the neighboring 
fishing-ground, and saw the smolce of the burning fort and 
other buildings, upon which he made all sail for Boston. 

But a little while before the declaration of war, the French 
instigated the Indians upon the river Saint John to send a depu- 
tation of their head men to Lieut. -Gov. Paul Mascarene, the 
English commander at Annapolis Royal,* who were instructed 
to pretend a renewal of former treaties ; by which device they 
were to ascertain the actual state of the place for defence. 
Having succeeded to their wishes in this, they at once invested 
it with about six hundred Marechite and Mickmack Indians, on 
the 30th of June, with a few Frenchmen, the whole under the 
command of a Frenchman named Le Loutre, a priest, and one 
Clermont ; but Mascarene successfully defended the place. 

The news of the fate of Canso having reached Boston as 
just mentioned. Governor Shirley rightly judged that Annapolis 
Royal would next be attempted. He therefore, with the ut- 
most expedition, dispatched away a messenger for that place to 
advise Governor Mascarene of the fate of Canso, and to urge 
him to hold out until he could send men to reinforce him 
which he would exert himself to do with the utmost of his 
power. The bearer of this important dispatch fell into the 
hands of the enemy, which was very fortunate for him, other- 
wise the force immediately sent by Shirley would have fallen 
upon the enemy's fleet f which had intercepted the messenger. 
Thus the wise precaution of the governor was a misfortune to 
the English ; for had he dispatched an armed force without the 

* The name Antiafolh Royal and An- j- " A banker of about four hundred 

n(2^o//j without the /io)'i2/, are indiscrimi- ton, with a brigantine and sloop." Shirley's 
nately used in the different accounts. Mtmoirs, p. 20. 



56 Annapolis Relieved. 

precaution, it would surely have hemmed in Du Quesnel and 
his fleet before the beleaguered town, and they would have 
become an easy prey. But in wars, as in other affairs, errors 
and mischances on the one side often balance those on the 
other. It was a sad mistake of the governor of Louisbourg, 
in that he did not first secure Annapolis Royal, because that 
could have been easily efFedted, and then Canso would have 
fallen almost without a blow, and thus the whole of Nova 
Scotia, with its sixteen thousand inhabitants, would have been 
under the control of the metropolis. 

It was not an error that Governor Shirley sent a messenger 
to warn Governor Mascarene of his danger, but it was a mis- 
fortune that threw the messenger into the hands of the enemy ; 
while, on the other hand, it was a serious error that the French 
governor committed in wasting time on Canso instead of An- 
napolis Royal. This error sent his fleet, under Du Quesnel, 
up the Bay of Fundy, where it intercepted Shirley's messenger, 
and afforded it time to cut its cables and make good an escape. 
For in two days after that messenger left Boston, namely, on 
July 2d, Capt. Edward Tyng, with about eighty men, in the 
Province Snow, sailed for Annapolis Royal, and in two days 
more arrived before the place. 

On the arrival of the English forces before Annapolis Royal, 
they found it invested by about seven hundred Indians, with a 
few French mixed with them disguised as Indians, with the 
priest before mentioned at their head. The fort was in no con- 
dition to stand a siege, being nothing but a ruin,* It had been 
besieged eleven days when the English arrived, but the besiegers 

* It had been entirely neglefted for from without, passing fosses and ditches, 
about twenty years, its garrison resting and mounting the ramparts at pleasure." 
*' in supine indolence, hogs and sheep Douglass, I, 318. 



Capt. Tyjig s Expedition. 57 

had no cannon, and their attacks were chiefly in the night ; so 
that the garrison were nearly worn out when relief arrived. 
The fear of falling into the hands of the Indians nerved the 
defenders almost to superhuman efforts. The garrison was 
now reinforced and the fort put into repair, and before the end of 
the year (1744), besides other reinforcements, Massachusetts 
sent to the place a company of Indian rangers which rendered 
great service in scouting and guarding the garrison. 

When the account of the capture of Canso was carried to 
France, it caused great rejoicing, and Te Deum was sung at 
Notre Dame in Paris, and pompous details of the affair were 
trumped up and published in the French journals. 

The result of the expedition for the relief of Annapolis was 
immediately published at Boston in the following strain: 

"On the 13th of July (1744) Capt. Tyng in our province 
snow. Prince of Orange, arrived here from Annapolis Royal. 
He sailed from this port on the 2d instant, with between 
seventy and eighty new raised volunteers for reinforcing His 
Majesty's garrison there (for the encouragement of which 
levies, and one hundred more now raising under proper offi- 
cers, this government has lately granted an handsome bounty) 
and arrived safe at Annapolis about one o'clock on the 4th 
instant, to the inexpressible joy of the whole garrison, the fort 
being besieged by a large body of Indians, who came before it 
on the 30th of June, with a French priest, and one Clermont, 
another Frenchman who had been lately employed as a spy in 
the fort, and in daily expeiSation of receiving assistance in two 
vessels from Louisbourg. They had the insolence to send a 
flag of truce to Gov. Mascarene to demand the surrender of 
the fort, promising good quarters to the garrison if he complied, 
and threatened to destroy them all if they took it by storm. 
H 



58 Capt. Tyngs Expedition. 

They had killed two soldiers whom they surprised without the 
fort, burnt several of the English houses, and destroyed many 
cattle, and had lost three of their own number by the great 
artillery of the garrison. Upon Capt. Tyng's arrival and the 
transport under his convoy, for the French ships, which they 
expefled, and were coming to the shore to meet him ; but on 
finding their mistake betook themselves to a precipitate flight, 
the priest leaving behind him his crucifix and other superstitious 
trumpery."* 

From another source the following amusing particular is 
taken: "Upon Capt. Tyng's arrival, the Indians seeing the 
hammocks in the netting of the ship, took them for Indians; 
and being informed by a French woman that he had a great 
number ot Mohawks on board, and had landed several hundreds 
of men to cut them ofl^, they ran into the woods with the 
utmost speed," their priest being so panic stricken, that he left 
his baubles as before mentioned. f 

Pains were taken, when war was looked upon as imminent, 
to secure as many of the Indians as possible in the interest of 
the respedive parties. The small belt along the Atlantic shore 
of English settlers was situated, as it were, between two fires. 
The enemy on their back had every advantage. They could 
always approach the English undiscovered, and when they had 
committed murders and depredations could bury themselves in 
the wilderness, and pursuit oftentimes only aggravated the mis- 
chief already done, as the pursuers frequently fell into ambushes 
and were cut off. 

The Mohawks, a formidable part of the Six Nations, were 

* American Alaga^irte, I, 483. on boJrd, under Capt. Gorham, called 

■)• Boston Eiicnitig Post, of 16 July, Indian Rangers. See Dougluss, I. 319. 
1744. There was a company of Indians These Rangers will be further noticed. 



Conference at Stockbfuige. 59 

held in great dread, as they were the most cruel and warlike of 
all the tribes known when the war of 1744 broke forth. This 
tribe or nation was divided. Part of them were called French 
Mohawks, because they were under the influence of the 
Jesuits, and could be relied upon to take up the tomahawk tor 
that nation in the event of war ; while those dwelling nearest 
the English had embraced protestantism. All the English 
asked of these was to remain neuter, and let the English and 
French settle their own quarrel, and to use their best endeavors 
with the French Mohawks to remain neutral also. 

To secure so desirable an objeiSt, the English, through the 
agency of their missionary among the Stockbridge or Mohe- 
kanuk Indians, the Rev. John Sergeant, were able to induce a 
deputation of the Mohawks to come to Stockbridge and confer 
upon the subjeft. A conference was accordingly held, and on 
the 5th of Jun?, 1744, Mr. Sergeant made a report of the 
result of it ; but does not give the names of those who took 
part in it. The Mohekanuk speaker addressed the Mohawk 
chief as Uncle, and the Mohawk chief addressed the Mohe- 
kanuk as Cousin. They are both rather poor specimens of 
Indian eloquence. 

A report had gone abroad that the French Mohawks had 
agreed with those living on the borders of the English to re- 
main neutral. The Mohekanuk chief put the question to his 
Uncle in these words: "I ask you a question. I hear you 
have ao-reed with the French Mohawks to sit still in case of a 
war between their friends and ours. You well know how that 
matter is. I desire you to tell me what we are to do in that 
affair. If you say we must sit still, we will sit still. If we 
see those Indians help their friends, we must help ours." To 
which the Mohawk speaker replied: "Cousin, the informa- 



6o Delegates to Eastern Indians. 

tion you have received of our engaging with the French Mo- 
hawks to stand neuter in case of a war between the French 
and English, is very true. Those Indians have promised us, 
that they will not meddle with the war; but set still in peace, 
and let the white people determine their dispute themselves. 
We have promised them the same, and desire you to join with 
us in the same peaceable disposition." 

Notwithstanding these engagements, and even if they were 
fully adhered to, the French had vastly the advantage, as they 
had access to all the Indian nations of Canada, of whom they 
always found enough ready to espouse their cause against the 
English settlers. 

The eastern Indians were next to be secured, if possible, and 
prevented from joining the French. To this end several In- 
dians of the Five Nations had, at much expense, been procured 
in their country and brought to Boston, and accompanied 
commissioners to Penobscot,* and there had a talk with such 
Indians of that region as they could meet with. All that is 
known of this undertaking is contained in a publication of the 
time, and is in these words: "July 24, 1744. This day the 
Commissioners appointed by this Government to accompany 
the Delegates from the Six Nations of Indians to the East- 
ward, in order to confer with the heads of the tribes in those 
parts, returned hither in good health ; and so far as we can 
learn, the Eastern Indians are sincerely desirous to continue at 
peace with us." 

That these hopes of peace proved entirely delusive, is cer- 
tain, as will appear from a declaration of war against these 
Indians not long after, by the governor of Massachusetts, an 

* They sailed from Boston July 7th. Penobscots, as will be seen further along. 
There were other attempts to secure tlie They caused great expense, and no benefit. 



Declaration of War. 6i 

abstrad of which is here given for the fa6ts it contains. It is 
drawn with due formality, and with Gov. Shirley's well known 
ability; headed: "A Declaration of War against the Cape- 
Sable's and St. John's Indians," and dated "at the Council 
Chamber in Boston, the 19th day of Odober, 1744." The 
reasons for the declaration are set forth in the preamble as fol- 
lows: "Whereas the Indians inhabiting his Majesty's Pro- 
vince of Nova Scotia, commonly called the Cape Sables 
Indians, who have submitted themselves to his Majesty's 
government by solemn treaty with the governor of the province 
of Massachusetts, did some time in the winter last past, in the 
port of Jedoure, in a treacherous and cruel manner, murder 
divers of his Majesty's English subjeds, belonging to a fishing 
vessel * owned and fitted out by his Majesty's subjedls of this 
province, and did seize the said vessel with the goods and 
effeds belonging thereto: And, whereas the said Cape-Sable's 
Indians, with the Indians of the St. John's tribe, who have 
likewise submitted to his Majesty's government, by solemn 
treaty with the commander of this province, have in a hostile 
manner joined with the French king's subjedls, his Majesty's 
declared enemies, in assaulting his Majesty's fort at Annapolis- 
Royal, and the garrison posted there, divers of whom they 
have slain ; and have likewise killed a master of a sloop belong- 
ing to this province, while he was assisting that garrison in pro- 
viding fuel for them ; and the said Indians have also for divers 

* This doubtless has reference to the near Cape Sable, where they were all 

following, published in the Boston Eve- murdered except the boy; him they re- 

ning Posi o( April 30th, 1744: "Some served and sold to the French. He is 

time in the fall of 1743, a schooner be- lately returned and gives this account, 

longing to Marblehead, in which were six The vessel they plundered of everything." 

men and a boy, put into a harbor at or The names of the murdered are unknown. 



62 Reward for Scalps. 

months past, in an hostile manner, blocked up the said fort, 
and kept the garrison upon continual alarms," etc. 

The Declaration goes on to warn all the Indians to the west, or 
this side of the St. John's river, not to hold correspondence with 
those of St. John's and Cape Sable's, or Nova Scotia Indians; 
particularly the Penobscots, Norridgewalks, and Pigwackets. 

On the 26th of October, the General Court offered a reward 
for the killing and scalps of the St. John's and Cape Sable 
Indians, in these terms: "To any company, party, or person 
singly, of his Majesty's subjects to or residing within this Pro- 
vince, who shall voluntarily, and at their own proper cost and 
charge go out and kill a male Indian of the age of twelve years 
or upwards, of the Indians above named, after the 26th day of 
06lober last past, and before the last day of June, 1745, (if 
the war lasts so long) anywhere to the east of the Penobscot 
beyond a fixed line, the sum of ^100* in bills of credit, new 
tenor; and £105 for a male Indian captive of the like age; 
and the sum of ^£50 for women ; and the like sum for children 
under the age of twelve years killed in fight; and £55 for such 
of them as shall be taken prisoners." 

And on the 2d of November, the line beyond, or to the east 
of which Indians might be killed and scalps taken, was pub- 
lished, namely; "to begin on the sea-shore three leagues from 
the most easterly part of Passamaquady river, and thence run 
north into the country through the province of Nova Scotia to 
the river St. Lawrence." 

Quite early in the year Gov. George Clinton f took unwearied 

*" Whereof, at present, 1748, fifty confounded with that of the patriot go- 

shiUings is equal to twenty shillings ster- vernor of the same name, conspicuous in 

ling. Old Tcmr is only one quarter of the Revolution. DeWitt Clinton was of 

the Nc-lu Tenor." Douglass. I, 320, this family, and a nephew of the patriot 

j- This Governor Clinton should not be governor. 



Conference at Albany. 63 

pains to keep the Six Nations to their allegiance. Having pro- 
cured deputations from the Mohawks, Oneydes, Onondagas, 
Tuskaroras, Cayeuges, and Senekes, to come to Albany, a 
conference was begun on the i8th of June. To this con- 
ference Massachusetts sent John Stoddard, Jacob Wendell, 
Thomas Berry, John Choate, and Thomas Hutchinson. Be- 
fore leaving Albany the Massachusetts men submitted cer- 
tain conditions for the observance of both colonies. These 
were in substance similar to the articles of union between the 
New England colonies, formed in 1642. And here it may be 
well to state that the Six Nations generally adhered to the 
English throughout the war, and parties of Mohawks retaliated, 
though to a small extent, the depredations of the French and 
Canada Indians on the English frontier, by expeditions against 
the Canadian settlers. 

In the late conference at Albany several of the Indians of 
the Mohawk tribe were engaged to accompany agents of Massa- 
chusetts to the Eastern Indians, especially the Penobscots, and 
to use their influence with them to assist the English against 
the St. John and Cape Sable Indians. Col. Pepperrell and 
some others of Massachusetts, met the Penobscot Indians at 
Georges in the beginning of July. The meeting was friendly, 
and the English flattered themselves that those Indians would 
not only remain at peace with them, but that they would send 
a number of their warriors to aid them in the war lately de- 
clared against the tribes before mentioned ; and it appears that 
the Penobscots actually agreed to furnish a number of their 
warriors for this purpose, who, according to the terms of Gov. 
Dummer's treaty (which they always regarded), were to have 
their men ready in forty days; yet, up to the middle of No- 
vember, there had been no compliance, and Col. Pepperrell 



64 



Indian Conference. 



was again sent to demand the men as agreed upon. The result 
was a further time was asked for, under the pretence that their 
young men were away on hunting expeditions. However, 
about the middle of January, 1745, it was ascertained that the 
young Penobscots declared they would not take up arms against 
the St. John's Indians.* This doubtless satisfied the English 
that the French Jesuit influence was greater than any they 
could exert. 

* It may be worthy of note that all cost to the country, and individual sacri- 

the historiansof this period knew nothing, fice. It should be minutely detailed in a 

at least say nothing, respeiSing the im- history of Maine, and a life of Sir Wil- 

portant transaflions above sketched, al- liam Pepperrell should not be without it. 

though they were brought about at great Materials are not wanting. 




3^r 



I Ud Uj lu CC .o tb Do Cti Oj D3 tt) Do CO Od tti tb ( 



CHAPTER V. 



DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS. 



Strength of the French — Donahcw's Expedition— Surrender of Louisbourg — Incidents of the 
Capture — Prudence of Gov. Shirley — The Effcfl of the Capture in England — Donahcw's 
Expedition and Death — His Steward's Escape and Narrative — Other Fafts respcaing Dona- 
hew— William Phips's Exploit and Death — People killed at Ash-.clot — War commences 
with the Penobscot Indians — Trouble at Louisbourg — Gov. Shirley proceeds thence — Gov. 
Clinton and the Six Nations— Another Declaration of War — Indians killed — Another Con- 
ference at Albany — Depredations at Sheepscott — Nchemiah How's Captivity — Indians sur- 
prise Saratoga — New York offers a Reward for Scalps— Depredation at Bedford, N, H. 

EWS from Canada having been re- 
cently obtained, in writing to the 
Duke of Newcastle, on March 27, 
Gov. Clinton makes the following 
statement respedting the condition of 
the French: "They have consi- 
derably increased their settlements on 
our backs, and almost inhanced the Indian trade 
to themselves, by means of the lake Cadaraqui 
[Ontario] whereon they have two or three vessels of 
'^'^ fifty or sixty tons, with six or eight swivel guns each, 
and manned with twelve or fifteen men, with which 
they carry on their trade. They have also built forts, and 
trading houses ranging along the lake (contrary to the faith of 
treaties), whereby they hold their power over all the Indian 
nations, except those dependent on our provinces, and even 
among those they have, and do daily gain too great an influ- 
ence. * 

* Ni:iu York Colonial Documents, VI, 175. 
I 




66 Donahew s Expedition. 

May 14, 1745. Governor Clinton, in a speech dissolving 
the general assembly of New York, severely censures the 
members for neglecting to provide proteftion for the frontiers 
of the colony against the incursions of the Indians and French.* 

May 15. Capt. David Donahew, in the sloop Resolution, 
with two other armed vessels, meets a French armament of 
some nine hundred men on their way from Annapolis to Louis- 
bourg to strengthen that place. The following is Captain 
Donahew's account of the fight he had with them : "On the 
15th instant, in Askmacourse f harbor, up the bay [of Fundy], 
my luck was to meet with two sloops and two schooners, and 
an unaccountable number of Indian canoes. At six the same 
morning, the Captains Becket and Jones, who were connected 
with me, and being to leeward, saw some smoke, which they 
pursued, and soon lost sight of me. I pursued my chase, and 
at ten o'clock came up with and fired on them. They strove 
to decoy me into shoal water, which I avoided, they being a 
thousand in number, and I but forty odd. We spoke to each 
other for two hours and a half; they knowing my name, de- 
siring me to prepare my fast for them, and I telling the cow- 
ards they were afraid to row up, the weather stark calm. As 
they came to hand I killed, but the number I know not. I 
fired two hundred four-pounders, double round and partridge, 
fifty three-pounders ; besides my swivels and small arms con- 
tinually playing on them. My stern, by force of firing, is 
down to the water edge, roundhouse all to pieces, but bold 
hearted. Had it not been so calm I should have done as I 
would ; but not one breath of wind, and they rowing all around 

* The reader will find the opposition f Asmacouse. Douglass Not laid 
to Governor Clinton fully explained in down on the maps undecthis name. Per- 
Li-vingsiQn's Review, elsewhere cited. haps that since called Advocates Harbor. 



Louisbourg. 67 

me, both head and stern; but Capt. Becket and Capt. Jones 
appearing in sight, they retreated and run into shoal water. I 
followed them within pistol shot, till I run on ground, but, 
blessed be God, have got safe off. This was the army that 
besieged Annapolis, and was on its way to assist Louisbourg, 
but their design is prevented." 

This force, so opportunely defeated by Donahew, had retired 
to Minas,* after being driven from Annapolis, as previously 
related. They were on their way from Minas intermediately. 
Douglass says they were nine hundred strong, or "about nine 
hundred ragamuffins." One "Mr. Marin, a lieutenant from 
Canada, was a captain of a company of savages, or Indian 
rangers," and composed a part of the force. The brave Capt. 
Donahew at a little later period, on another expedition, fell into 
the hands of the enemy, and, with many others, was massacred, 
as will be seen hereafter. 

June 17. Louisbourg was surrendered to the English, which 
was the great event of this war.f The expedition was planned 
by Gov. Shirley, and met with the. full approbation of nearly 
all of those then composing the government. The governors 
of nearly all the colonies favored it, and it was carried into 
successful execution. A few knowing ones of that time, to 
exhibit their superior sagacity, said the expedition would be a 
failure ; but when they learned that it had completelv suc- 
ceeded, they attributed its success to accident, or good luck. 
Dr. Douglass, the historian, then living in Boston, and writing 



* In chat part of the township of Horton appendages of an ancient settlement, 

which borders on the basin. No traces Haliburton, II, 115. 

of it are now to be seen, except the eel- f It is worthy of remark that this was 

lars of the houses, a few aged orchards, just thirty years before the battle of Bunker 

and groups of willows, the never-failing Hill. 



68 Louisbourg Expedition. 

his history, was opposed to Gov. Shirley. He generally disa- 
greed with his measures, and when he could not deny that 
their efFeft was beneficial, he was careful not to admit that he 
had misjudged, but that it was a chance circumstance. Thus 
by an ingenious use of language he, in the minds of many, has 
caused some, even able historians, to give a wrong tone to 
their relations of the taking of Louisbourg. Dr. Douglass will 
always be a valuable authority for the events of this period, 
because he wrote at the time, and was acquainted personally 
with some of the principal aftors. Hence his bias is not suffi- 
ciently guarded against. The following insidious, and at the 
same time ingenious passage in his history is recollefted. Upon 
the capture of Louisbourg he says : " If every circumstance had 
not turned in favor of the expedition, and if every circumstance 
had not turned against the French, the expedition would have 
failed." Now this is a sort of taking assertion, but it is far 
from being a just one. The French were in the strongest 
fortress in America, had, or should have had, the best means 
of defence known to warfare, while the assailants were exposed 
to every annoyance ; and as to their circumstances, they were 
as untoward as to any army whatever ; being exposed to all the 
vicissitudes of a voyage by sea, and a landing upon a coast 
dangerous in the extreme from natural causes, and this in the 
face of an enemy on their own ground. Surely it does not 
appear as though "all the circumstances" were in favor of the 
expedition. Now the expedition succeeded because it was 
conduced with secrecy and energy. The governor left the 
least chance to accident. As early as February he had dis- 
patched a messenger to England requesting a naval force to be 
sent him, and another to Admiral Warren in the West Indies. 
It is not the purpose of this narrative to detail the particulars 



Loiiisbourg Expedition. 69 

of the taking of Louisbourg, because it has been so often done 
by all the historians of this period.* A few important fadts, 
generally unnoticed in the common accounts, will be given. 

In seven weeks from the time Gov. Shirley issued his pro- 
clamation for raising troops for the expedition, three thousand 
two hundred and fifty men were enrolled in Massachusetts, 
three hundred and four in New Hampshire, and five hundred 
and sixteen in Connecticut. The Massachusetts men were 
embarked the 24th of March, and sailed under the convoy of 
the Shirley Galley^ afterwards called the Shirley Frigate. The 
whole naval force of the colony of Massachusetts consisted of 
three frigates of twenty guns each ; a snow ot sixteen ; a 
brigantine of twelve ; and five armed sloops mounting from 
eight to twelve carriage guns. A sloop from Rhode Island, 
and one from Connefticut, had ten or twelve guns each.f 

The train of artillery consisted of eight twenty-two-pound- 
ers, twelve nine-pounders, two mortars of twelve-inch, one of 
eleven, and one of nine-inch. These were taken from Castle 
William. Also ten cannon borrowed of Governor Clinton of 
New York. These were eighteen-pounders.J Brigadier- 
General Samuel Waldo commanded the land forces. Colonel 
Samuel Moore commanded those of New Hampshire, Lieut. - 
Col. Simon Lothrop those of Connedlicut ; Lieut. -Col. Gridley 
commanded the artillery. Over the whole was Lieut. -Gen. 
Wm. Pepperrell. 

Such was the ambition of the people of New England to 
participate in the expedition, that more men volunteered for it 
than could be received, and two companies were discharged and 
a month's pay given them. All the transportation at the com- 
mand of the government had been already taken up. 

* See Appendix, B. f Shirley's Memoirs, 40. J Ibidem. 



yo Louisbourg Expedition. 

August 8. Rear-Admiral Peter Warren wrote from Louis- 
bourg, giving the following account of his successes at that 
place: "The Charmante, a French East India ship of five 
hundred or six hundred tons, twenty-eight guns and ninety-nine 
men, very rich ; the Heron, another French East India ship 
from Bengal, pretty rich ; the Notre Dame de la Deliverance, 
a French ship of twenty-two guns, and about sixty men, from 
Lima in the South Seas, for which place she sailed from Cadiz 
in the year 1741, are brought into this harbor. This last had 
on board, in gold and silver, upwards of £300,000." 

Louisbourg had fallen after a determined and bloody siege, 
but the importance of the conquest soon lost much of its con- 
sequence by the course given to events which restored it again 
to the French, as though it had cost nothing. This was par- 
ticularly unfavorable to New England, which had lost so 
heavily in its a£tive men, so much needed in a new country, to 
say nothing of the honor in a measure lost by the restoration 
of the costly acquisition. The suffering of the troops was 
incredible ; often without shoes to their feet, or clothes, beyond 
a few rags, to shield their bodies from the weather, they toiled 
day and night, doing the labor of beasts of burthen and men 
as well, week after week, until more than a thousand lay sick 
at one time, and yet it is said, that up to the time of the capitu- 
lation, but about thirty had died of sickness, and that but one 
hundred and one had been killed by the enemy and other acci- 
dents, while, of the French, about three hundred had been 
killed within the walls of the city, and six hundred and fifty 
regular troops were surrendered. There were besides about 
thirteen hundred efFedtive men belonging to the place, in all of 
which, together with the women and children, there were above 
four thousand to be transported to France. 



Louisboiirg Expedition. n\ 

With the place there fell into the hands of the vidtors 
immense material of war and other property, among which 
were seventy-six cannon and mortars, and provisions for five or 
six months. Many rich merchant ships, during and after the 
siege, were taken by the fleet. Admiral Warren kept the 
French flag flying long after the capture, and thus several were 
decoyed under his guns before they were aware that the place 
was taken. The value of these prizes was estimated at over 
a million pounds sterling, half of which went to the naval cap- 
tors, and the other half to the Crown; and thus the New Eng- 
land men, who had been the means of this great acquisition, 
got no part of it ! 

In his account of the capture. General Pepperrell said, that 
when he marched into the city, he believed such ruins were 
never seen before, which was not to be wondered at, as nine 
thousand cannon balls and six hundred bombs had been thrown 
into it before it surrendered ; which we may believe, as he says, 
"sorely distressed them, especially the day before they sent out 
a flag of truce, when our incessant fire prevented their showing 
their heads, or stirring from their covert ways, and some of 
them ran into the sea for shelter." 

At the time of the surrender there remained but one house 
in the town which had not been shot through and through; 
such breaches had been made in the walls, and our batteries so 
advanced, that the enemy could stand to their guns no longer. 
Out of nineteen shell thrown from the light-house battery, 
seventeen fell within the Island battery, one of which fell upon 
the magazine, causing great consternation. 

Care was taken to send off^ the inhabitants with all possible 
dispatch after the English were in possession of Louisbourg. 
Fourteen transports were got ready in an incredibly short time; 



72 Louis hour g Expedition. 

so that by the fourth of July (since a more noted day in Ameri- 
can annals), only thirteen days after the capture, the unfortu- 
nate prisoners of war sailed for France, under the convoy of 
the Launceston man of war, Capt. Robert Man commander. 
They arrived at the port of Brest after a short passage, but here 
they met with treatment from the French Admiral on that sta- 
tion, which is charafterized as cruel and brutal in the extreme. 
Such was the report of Col. James Gibson, who accompanied 
the prisoners as agent of the cartel transports on the part of 
the commander-in-chief. 

There were many other prisoners to be transported besides 
those at Louisbourg, which are "summaried"* as follows: 
"The French people transported from Louisbourg to France 
(including the Vigilant'sf men) preceding July 17, 1745, were 
four thousand one hundred and thirty, whereof one thousand 
eight hundred and twenty-two via Boston, and seventy-six via 
New Hampshire. The French, while in Boston, were allowed 
in old tenor per week, namely : an inhabitant from Cape Bre- 
ton, twenty shillings ; a sailor, fifteen shillings ; captain of the 
Vigilant, five pounds; second captain, three pounds, and each 
officer forty shillings." 

After we have seen the origin of the expedition against 
Louisbourg, and its progress and ultimate success, all brought 
about, so far as the former was concerned, by New England, it 
will seem very singular that a reimbursement to this country 
was a long time withheld by the government at home, through 
the false representations of influential bad men. This state of 
the case is so well set forth in a speech of Governor Shirley to 

* Douglass^ I, 568. six hundred men," taken by Commodore 

•j- *' A sixty-four gun ship, with near Warren, May 21. See Appendix, C. 



speech of Gov. Shirley. 73 

the General Court, on the 29th of May, 1 746, that it shall be 
given in his own words : 

"As you may be solicitous to know what success your appli- 
cation for a reimbursement of your expenses in the late expe- 
dition against Cape Breton has met with, I think it proper to 
inform you, that though I have received several letters from 
one of your agents upon that subjedt, yet as all of them till 
my last (which I shall communicate to you) contained only 
accounts of the disadvantages which the Province lay under as 
to their demand, for want of the services of the New England 
troops in the redudtion of Louisbourg, being fully known, 
whereby it happened that the merit of them (upon which the 
merit likewise of the colonies concerned in that expedition, it 
is reasonable to think, will be chiefly estimated by the ministry) 
has been most surprisingly diminished, disguised and concealed, 
and the laying before you these accounts could have had no 
other effe(5l than to give you a fruitless concern and uneasiness, 
I forbore doing it, and chose to wait for more agreeable ones, 
which I have the pleasure to acquaint you I received by the 
last ship from London, and find that since the arrival in Eng- 
land of the representation of the behavior of the land forces, 
and the share which they had in making the late valuable acqui- 
sition to the British dominions, which I sent from Louisbourg, 
to be laid before His Majesty, your demand has taken a more 
favorable turn, and there is now a most promising prospeiSl of 
your succeeding in it, and of our retrieving the honor of the 
New England land forces, and the opinion of the merit of the 
colonies concerned in the late expedition, which is justly due 
to them." 

In the same speech he says: "It is a particular satisfadlion 
to me, to consider that by the method which I have pursued 
K 



74 Disparagement of New England. 

for reinforcing that garrison [Louisbourg] instead of that pro- 
posed by the late Assembly and Council, I have saved £17,000 
sterling, greatly promoted the levies for the two regiments 
[Pepperrell's and his own], strengthened the garrison more than 
otherwise it would have been, and made way for the discharg- 
ing of such of the New England forces as are desirous to 
return to their homes." 

It was as well known in England as in this country, that the 
principal credit of the capture of Louisbourg belonged to New 
England ; and yet there were those in Old England ready to 
appropriate all the honor of the enterprise to that country. 
But there were some there who had honesty enough to place 
the credit where it belonged, and to ridicule the authors of the 
claims to all the glory. A writer in the Westminster Journal 
of August 3d, expresses the opinion that a secret expedition 
against Louisbourg, or any other point, could hardly have been 
put in pradtice in England without a discovery. In another 
article in the same journal, but of a few days earlier date, there 
appeared a dialogue, in the course of which the following 
homely though very just cut is given: "Well, Mr. B.," said 
one, "Cape Breton is taken; sure that must stop your mouth 
for a while at least." "Really," said the other, "I think it is 
a very fine acquisition ; but I remember a story of a certain 
lord, whom his companions used to joke, and whose wife being 
brought to bed, his lordship says to one of them, 'Now I hope 
I shall have no more of your impertinence, for my wife has a 
fine boy.' 'Indeed, my lord,' answered the joker, 'I never 
questioned your wife's abilities in that respeiS!'" 

The same article then goes on, broadly intimating that the 
whole undertaking was of New England origin, and all that 



Donahew's Expeditions. 75 

the English administration could claim was the honor of firing 
the Park and Tower guns in honor of the acquisition. 

June 29. The gallant Capt. Donahew is surprised by the 
French and Indians, and himself, with many of his men, slain.* 
His loss was deeply lamented, as he had rendered very import- 
ant services on various occasions, especially in the capture of 
Louisbourg, in the siege of which he was in command of one 
of the ships of the squadron. 

For a considerable time the fate of Capt Donahew was 
unknown, but on the 27th of July a vessel came into Boston 
from Annapolis Royal, having on board Mr. Picket, who was 
steward to Capt. Donahew, from whom the fadts of the affair 
in which himself, his commander and several others fell into 
the hands of the Indians, were obtained. Picket further 
relates, that Capt. Donahew, with eleven men, went on shore 
in the Gut of Canso, and were at once nearly surrounded by 
two hundred and fifty-three French and Indians. Donahew 
and his men being at once cut off from retreating to their ves- 
sel, defended themselves for above a quarter of an hour, in 
which time the captain, his brother, and three others were 
killed. The rest, six in number, all being wounded, were 
taken prisoners. The enemy had but two killed in the fight, 
but many were wounded. The Indians cut open the body of 
the captain's brother, sucked his blood, cut, hacked and 
mangled it in the most barbarous and brutal manner, and then 
eat a part of the flesh. They then proceeded to do the same 



* Dr. Douglass says Donahew was dis- expedition witli an earlier one, mentioned 

patched from Boston to remove the in our text. St. John's Island, so named 

French from St. John's Island, and on by the French, is that now known as 

his way landed in the Gut of Canceau. Prince Edward's. Lescarbot gave it the 

Douglass may have confounded the last name St. John, also Coifiih Island, 



76 



Donahew" s Disaster. 



by the bodies of the other slain. After this exploit they set off 
for Minas with the seven that remained alive, the relator him- 
self being one. Him they decided to kill and eat, but some of 
the French interceded and persuaded his captors to sell him, which 
they finally did for an amount of money. From Minas he got to 
Annapolis Royal, and thence to Boston, as above narrated. The 
other prisoners were taken to Canada. One of these, John Brad- 
shaw by name, died there on the 24th of November following. 
He had recovered from the wound which he received when he 
was taken, but his constitution was broken, and he pined and 
died, of consumption as was supposed. Where he belonged is 
not known. Another was William Prindle. He died on the 
4th of July, 1747; was a New England man, but his residence 
is not given. Another was James Owen of Brookfield, in 
Massachusetts. He was killed after quarter had been given. 

It is to this affair, perhaps, that the French writers at Que- 
bec refer in the following passage: "Lately, a boat belonging 
to an English merchantman having landed at La Heve for wood 
and water, the Micmac Indians killed seven of the crew and 
brought their scalps to Sieur Marin ; they [the Micmacs] can 
be depended on to pursue the same course as long as means 
will be found to furnish them with arms, powder and ball."* 

While the siege of Louisbourg was progressing, Capt. Dona- 
hew had been dispatched to Bay Verte to destroy the place. 
In passing the strait of Canso he met with a party of Indians. 
These were attacked by a company of his men, contrary to 
orders, who went on shore under Captains Jaques and Hanna- 
ford. They were overpowered, Capt. Jaques killed, and 
Hannaford wounded; the rest escaped. Donahew was early 

* Letter from Messrs. de Beauharnois J2"^^^*^» >* Sept., 1745. In N. T. Col. 
and Hocquart to Count de Maurepas, dated Documents^ "K, II. 



Great Meadow Surprise. jj 

engaged in this war. We find him putting out from Newbury 
in a privateer on the 7th of November, 1744, manned with 
sixty men. The vessel belonged to Boston, and hence it ap- 
pears the English were not much behind the French in early 
a£ts of hostility. Donahew sailed diredtly to the eastern fish- 
ing ground, and made several captures of French fishing ves- 
sels. Taking notice of his enterprising spirit, the General 
Court voted (on the 7th of February) that, with his vessel, he 
should be taken into the service of the Province. His vessel 
was the sloop Resolution. Andrew Hall and Samuel Gerrish 
of Boston were his agents. These agents preferred a claim on 
the government in September of the next year, in favor of 
Capt. Donahew's estate. From which claim it is shown, that 
early in this war the captain had captured eleven Cape Sable or 
St. John's Indians, brought them to Boston and delivered them 
here in compliance with Gov. Shirley's order. The claim of 
the agents was not allowed, but the reason for not allowing it is 
not given. Perhaps the Indians were captured before they had 
commenced the war. 

He had been extremely adtive against the enemy. In April, 
1745, he took and carried into Chapeaurouge Bay a French 
brigantine with a cargo of molasses, for which the war com- 
mittee allowed him ^1525 15^. 

July 5. William Phips having but recently settled at Great 
Meadow* fort, some sixteen miles above Fort Dummer, is 
surprised, while hoeing corn, by two Indians. They seized 
him and led him away about half a mile, when they stopped, 
and one of them went down a steep hill to get something he 

* There were other Great MeadoTVs ; them fynahktukook. Hopkins^ 46, 47. 
one occupied by the Housatunnuk Indians, This is in Westmoreland, N. H., formerly 
" above the mountains, " 17365 called by Narraganset No. 2. 



78 Surprise at Ashuelot. 

had left. On his return Phips seized one of their guns and 
shot him down, and then fell upon the other with his hoe, 
which it seems he had carried with him, or perhaps was carried 
along by the other Indian. With this he knocked him down, 
and after chopping him till he thought he had killed him, 
started to run ; but at that instant three Indians appeared and 
shot down Phips, killed and scalped him, and treated his body 
in a shocking manner. The Indian that was hoed so severely, 
died of his wounds, according to the information given by the 
Indians after the war. 

Some time after the death of Mr. Phips, his widow married 
Mr. Caleb Howe. She afterwards suffered a doleful captivity, 
as will be seen by a reference to her well known Narrative. 

Great Meadow Fort was in what is now Putney, Vermont, in 
the eastern part of the county of Windham, on the westerly 
side of Connecticut river. Putney is ten miles from Brattle- 
borough. It was chartered by New Hampshire in 1753, and 
in 1766 rechartered by New York, and finally fell within 
the jurisdiction of Vermont. The Great Meadow was in a 
bend of the river, comprising about four hundred acres of ex- 
cellent land. 

July 10. "The same, or some other party of Indians,"* 
who did the mischief at Great Meadow, came to Upper 
Ashuelot, now the town of Keene, New Hampshire, waylaid 
the road, and shot and scalped Deacon Josiah Fisher,f as he 
was driving his cows to pasture. He was among the early pro- 
prietors of the town, ten years before he was slain. His body 

* DoolUtWs Navrati've^ p. 2. excepting that the author points out the 

I We find nothing in the AnnaU of locality of the murder. See Cotleiliom of 
Kcene to throw any light on this atfair, N. H. Historical Society^ II, 87. 



Surprise near George's Fort. 



79 



was found soon after he was killed, about half a mile from the 

garrison. 

July 1 8. The Thanksgiving which had been appointed to 

celebrate the taking of Louisbourg, took place and was heartily 

entered into all over New Eng- 
land. Sermons were preached 
on the occasion, among which 
was one by the Rev. Thomas 
Prince of the Old South church 
in Boston; in which is detailed 







the proceedings of that remark- 
able expedition with an accu- 
racy and ability which has 
rendered it one of the very 
best accounts anywhere to be 
met with. It was dedicated to 
Governor Shirley, whom he 
denominated "the principal 
^ dvtyt^ci former and promoter" of the 
enterprise.* 
July 19. War begins in the eastern country. An express 
arrived at Falmouth from Capt. Jabez Bradbury, stationed at 
George's Fort, that a man and forty cattle had been killed, and 
a garrison and saw-mill burnt, which is the first mischief done 
about the Penobscot. Tl]ey took one prisoner as they ap- 
proached the fort, and fired on a woman, whom they wounded 
in the shoulder. The report of the gun and the shrieks of the 
woman alarmed the garrison, a fire from which afforded the 
wounded woman an opportunity to reach the gate and enter 
it without farther injury. Capt. Bradbury, in his dispatch to 



* See Appendix, B. 



8o Indian Murders at Brunswick. 

Gov. Shirley, represented that the Indians were about seventy 
strong, and that they killed fifty or sixty head of cattle, besides 
hogs and horses. Upon this news the governor ordered Capt. 
Thomas Sanders, of the Massachusetts frigate, to sail forthwith 
to the invaded territory ; * and Capt. Bradbury believing some 
of the Penobscots were among those who had attacked his fort, 
notified the tribe to give up such as participated in it, in four- 
teen days, but they took no notice of the demand. 

July 30. On the third of August an express from the east- 
ward arrived at Boston with the intelligence that the Indians 
had surprised two men a little above Brunswick, one of whom 
they killed and scalped, the other they scalped and left for dead, 
but being soon after found by his neighbors, hopes were enter- 
tained of his recovery. The men were not shot, but knocked 
down and beat with clubs. 

The same day a man was killed at Topsham, and a boy was 
scalped. The same event, probably, recorded in the last 
paragraph. 

Insubordination began to break forth among the soldiers soon 
after the capture of Louisbourg. It arose from various causes; 
a principal, perhaps, was that the men generally supposed they 
would be at liberty to return home as soon as the city was 
taken; another was the unequal distribution of plunder, or 
rather the disappointment which arose from the inhabitants 
being allowed by the capitulation to retain their effeds unmo- 
lested ; but, above all, sickness was making terrible havoc 
among them. Their officers could only appeal to the com- 
mander-in-chief at Boston for relief. Hence the clamor for 
the governor became so pressing upon Gen. Pepperrell, that 

* There is given a thrilling incident Sanders the younger, by Mr. Eaton in his 
connetled with the career of Captain History of Thomaslon, I, 56. 



Gov. Shirley at Louisbourg. 8 1 

through his and the other officers' urgency, Gov. Shirley con- 
sented to proceed to Cape Breton. 

August 3. Gov. Shirley, with his lady, sails for Louisbourg, 
where he remained until near December following, returning in 
Boston Dec. 8th, after a tedious passage of eleven days. He 
returned in the Massachusetts frigate, Capt. Edward Tyng. 
On leaving the ship, near Castle William, she fired a salute of 
seventeen guns, and, on landing at the fort, it fired twenty-one 
guns. He lodged at the castle that night. The next day he 
was rowed up to Boston in a barge, the Shirley frigate and other 
vessels firing salutes. He debarked at the end of Long Wharf 
amid the acclamations of crowds of enthusiastic citizens, and 
under a military escort proceeded to his residence in the Pro- 
vince House. 

While at Louisbourg the governor labored diligently in col- 
lecSing an accurate detail of all the proceedings of the siege 
and capture of the place, a copy of which he transmitted to 
the Duke of Newcastle.* All the principal New England offi- 
cers attested its accuracy by their signatures. 

David Creighton and his companion, venturing a short dis- 
tance from the garrison at St. Georges (or Georges as the 
English generally wrote it), were killed and scalped. Boyce 
Cooper and Reuben Pitcher, proceeding down the river for 
rock-weed, fell into the hands of the enemy and were carried 
to Canada. Cooper was naturally jovial, appeared contented, 
and made himself familiar with the Indians ; gave them all the 
information they desired about the English, their forts, cattle 
and men, and thus secured good usage. His fellow prisoner 
seems to have possessed a violin, and dying, left it to Cooper, 
which he was able to use, and thus enhanced his importance, 

* This valu.ible and authentic document will be found entire in Appendix D. 



82 A Declaration of War. 

and eventually secured him an early release. He was a native 
of Ireland.* 

Aug. 20. In a message from Gov. Clinton of New York 
to the General Assembly of that province, he charges the Six 
Nations with having broken their treaty of neutralitv ; that 
from their apprehensions of having been wronged by the white 
people, they had visited the governor of Canada the last sum- 
mer. He (the governor), recommends the Assembly to pro- 
vide for holding a conference with them this fall, that their 
grievances may be redressed and their friendship secured. He 
had heard of two other nations of Indians to whom he desired 
to send invitations to come to the conference ; namely, the 
Chonondado and Jttoivas. The since well known tribes, Onon- 
dagos and the Ottowas. 

August 23. Lieut. -Gov. Spencer Phips, now adting governor 
in the absence of Gov. Shirley, declares war "against the 
Eastern and Canada Indians;" for that the "Norridgewack and 
Penobscot tribes, and other Indians of the eastern parts," con- 
trary to treaty, "are now broke out into open rebellion," and 
committed divers a£ts of hostility, entertained and harbored 
Cape Sable's and St. John's Indians, joining with them in per- 
petrating the most cruel murders upon persons in those parts, 
burning their houses, and killing great numbers of cattle,f 
attacking the fort at St. George's river, and, when a flag was 
sent to them, justified their perfidy and cruelty, and bid defiance 
to the government. Also, in the western parts of the province, 
had already killed two and scalped them ; others were driven 
from their estates, their substance destroyed, and in constant 

* The above is from Williamson, who murder of Captain Donahew and some of 
gives no date. Hist. Maine, II, 238. his men before mentioned, and the affair 

■\ Having reference, doubtless, to the of July 3otU last. 



Indians Massacred. 83 

peril of their lives in getting their harvests; that the Six Na- 
tions, who undertoojf for the performance of neutrality, had 
failed to prevent what is complained of. And it was ordered 
that well disposed Indians who had not joined the enemy, 
should, in fourteen days, repair to the forts of the English, and 
live amongst His Majesty's subjefts, in places assigned them, 
and there be proteiSed. 

Sept. 5. In the vicinity of George's fort, one Lieutenant 
Prodtor and nineteen men had a fight with a number of Indians, 
in which two noted chiefs are killed; namely, Col. Morris and 
Capt. Samuel. Another, called Col. Job, is taken prisoner and 
carried to Boston, where he died in prison. The following is 
Lieut. ProiSor's narrative of the whole affair. With his cap- 
tive. Col. Job, the lieutenant arrived in Boston Sept. 8th, in a 
small schooner: "On the first instant, beine at Georges, and 
understanding that a number of Indians had been lately seen 
near the fort, he mustered up sixteen men and boys from the 
block-house, and went in quest of the enemy. About twelve 
o'clock at night, and three miles from the fort, they discovered 
four Indians about a fire, upon whom they discharged their 
guns, and killed Col. Sam and Lieut. -Gov. Moxas (as he was 
called), and took Col. Job prisoner, but the other fellow made 
his escape. Those three Indians were principal men of the 
Penobscot tribe, and all well known in Boston." 

The scalps of the other two were brought, and the bounty 
demanded on them according to the governor's proclamation ; 
but Lieut. -Gov. Phips, in his speech at the opening of the 
General Assembly, remarked that the circumstances were such 
as to render it necessary to defer granting the bounty. The 
governor had good grounds for his delaying the bounty, no 
doubt, for, from other sources of information, it seems that 



84 Eastern Depredations. 

these Indians had been to the fort, not knowing of the attack 
of the 19th of the last month, or before the fourteen days had 
expired, to trade, and had departed for their own place, but had 
encamped for the night not far off, and in this condition (per- 
haps drunk with liquor obtained at the fort) were fallen upon 
as above related. That no bounty was paid is inferred from 
the fadt, that after the war a present was made to the wife of 
Job on account of the loss of her husband. If his value was 
accurately estimated by the government, her loss was not 
great — a seven-eighth blanket! 

Sept. 15. A son of Col. Gushing is killed by some unseen 
Indians at Sheepscott, and two lads, James and Samuel Ander- 
son, are taken captive and carried to Canada. Their father 
was killed, probably at .the same time. The Indians kept the 
two boys with them all winter, and the following May they 
were sent to prison at Quebec. 

Sept. 27. James Kinlade is taken at Sheepscott, carried to 
Canada, and imprisoned at Quebec. On Nov. 19th one man 
is delivered to the prison in Quebec, who says James Ander- 
son's father was killed and his uncle was taken at the time he 
was. Another man, Jotham Williamson, taken on Sheepscott 
river, was imprisoned at Quebec at a later date. 

Oft. 5. In pursuance of Gov. Clinton's urgent request, 
the Indians came to Albany to hold a conference from many 
of the tribes of the Six Nations, some five hundred in number. 
The governor having notified Massachusetts, Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, they send the fol- 
lowing gentlemen, namely: Massachusetts, John Stoddard, 
Jacob Wendell, Samuel Wells, and Thomas Hutchinson ; 



Conference at Albayiy. 85 

Connecticut, Roger Wolcot, Nathaniel Stanley ; * Pennsyl- 
vania, Thos. Lawrence, John Kinsey, and Isaac Norris. 
Arent Stevens and Coenradt Weiser, interpreters. 

The commissioners on the part of Massachusetts returned 
to Boston on the 20th of Oftober, and as a result of their 
conference with the Indians it was published, that "the Six 
Nations readily renewed their covenant with the several govern- 
ments ; that they had taken the hatchet against the French and 
Indian enemy, and only wait till the governor of New York 
shall order them to make use of it." 

0<£t. 8. A company of thirteen Indians surprise some 
Englishmen while gathering corn at Sheepscott, killing two and 
wounding a third. 

OcS. 1 1. An attempt was made to surprise the fort at Great 
Meadow. As the enemy approached it they came upon Mr. 
Nehemiah How, and took him prisoner. He had been cutting 
wood some forty rods from the fort, and was returning to it 
when he was overtaken by twelve Indians, who hurried him 
away into a swamp, and there pinioned him. When he saw 
the Indians he hallooed so as to alarm the fort, and the men 
inside fired upon them, killing one and mortally wounding 
another. A third, who had hold of Mr. How, barely escaped, 
a bullet passing through his powder-horn. How was carried to 
Canada, and from one prison to another, and finally to Quebec, 
where he died a prisoner. May 25th, 1747, after a year and 
upwards of seven months' captivity. He left a wife and several 
children. A journal which he kept to within six days of his 
death, was recovered by his friends and published in 1748, from 
which these fa£ts are taken. 

* It is singular, that in the elaborate found of this important mission of their 
histories of Connedticut no mention is statesmen. 



86 How's Captivity. 

Having secured their prisoner, as above stated, the enemy 
returned and attacked the fort for an hour and a half, but did 
little damage. They killed all the cattle about the place, cut- 
ting a portion of the flesh from the bones the better to transport 
it. With their prisoner they marched along the river side. At 
about three miles from the fort a canoe was seen coming down 
with two men in it. How knew the men and made all the 
noise he could to alarm them, but the Indians also saw them, 
and shot at them some twenty or thirty guns, by which they 
killed one, David Rugg, but the other, Robert Baker, got on 
shore and escaped. They scalped Rugg, and carried off his 
scalp in great triumph. On it they painted a face, " with the 
likeness of eyes and mouth," with red paint, and when they 
got to Lake George they hoisted a pole some eight feet long, 
with the scalp on the top of it. At Crown Point they were 
met by a multitude of Indians. Here Mr. How saw an Indian 
he was acquainted with, who took him by the hand and was 
very glad to see him. This Indian then went and brought in 
another, named Amrusus^ who was the husband of Eunice Wil- 
liams, who had lived among the Indians forty-two years, having 
been carried away from Deerfield in 1704. Amrusus was glad 
to see Mr. How, and made inquiry about his wife's relations. 
Many attempts were made to recover Eunice, from time to 
time, from her captivity to 1713, when she was to all intents 
an Indian, living among the French Mohawks at Cagnawaga. 
She had then recently married, and would not converse with 
those sent to redeem her. 

Nov. 16. A large body of three hundred French and two 
hundred Indians came upon the Dutch settlement at Saratoga, 
murdering the inhabitants without any opposition. The enemy 
were commanded by one M. Marin, accompanied by a mis- 



Attack on Saratoga. 87 

chievous and adive priest named Francis Piquet. They 
ravaged a large extent of country, burning ail the houses, 
several saw-mills with much sawed lumber, and a block-house 
which belonged to John Henry Lydius. Also all the cattle. 
Thirty persons were killed and scalped, and about sixty taken 
prisoners. All this was effeded without so much as a wound 
to any of the French. A large number of negroes * were 
among the captives. In the course of the winter the captives 
were sent to the prison in Quebec, where many of them died 
of sickness. The news of this attack reached Albany three 
days after it happened, and Deerfield nine days after, namely, 
on the 25th. f A letter of this date was at once dispatched to 
Boston, to the effect that "two Indians who were taken at 
Lydius's fort got away from the army near Crown Point, and 
reported that an army of six hundred men set out from that 
place in order to fall upon Deerfield, but by reason of a snow 
were diverted and went to Saratoga. They have burnt Lydius's 
block-house, and taken his son ; Cockensenet was killed there ; 
three hundred of the army went back with the prisoners, and 
three hundred struck off to come upon our frontiers." 

Among the prisoners was Jonathan Hagadorn, taken near 
Fort Ann, while on a scout. He died on the 3d of January 
following, a prisoner at Quebec, after a long and painful sick- 
ness; as also did Capt. John Fort, March 21, taken at the 
same time and place. 

The Assembly of New York offers a reward for Indian 
scalps — ten pounds for those of male Indians over sixteen 
years of age, and twenty pounds for prisoners brought in alive. 

* Said to have been about sixty, by a to live with the Indians, where doubtless 

prisoner in Canada who saw them brought they had much greater freedom than with 

to Montreal. Sometime afterwards their their Dutch and English masters, 
owners sent to redeem them, but they f The French account may be seen in 

would not go back to slavery, preferring the New York Col. Docs , X, 38 and 76. 



88 Bounty for Scalps. 

"For the years 1745, 1746, and 1747, the premium for In- 
dian scalps and captives was one thousand pounds, old tenor 
per head to volunteers, and four hundred pounds to impressed 
men, their wages and subsistence money to be dedufted."* 
At the same time old tenor was to sterling money as one to 
eleven. Hence it took eleven pounds of the former to pur- 
chase what was adtually worth but one pound in specie. 

Some time in the year 1745, as James McQuade and Robert 
Burns of Bedford, New Hampshire, were returning from 
Penacook to their homes, whither they had been to procure corn 
for their families, they were fired upon by some Indians who 
appeared to be lying in wait for the opportunity. McQuade 
was shot down and killed, but they missed their aim at Burns, 
who ran, tacking at short intervals, and thus escaped unhurt. f 

One Bunten was shot by the Indians in what is now the 
town of Chester, N. H., " near where Head's tavern is in Hook- 
sett. He was from Pelham, and was on his way to Penacook. "J 

* Doug/asSj I, 565. a history of Bedford, but the author adds 

j" The date of this affair may have nothing more authentic, 

been derived from tradition, which is J Co//s. N. H Hist. Soc, VII, 363. 

generally very unreliable, especially when The historian of Old Chester does not 

not accompanied by any month or day of throw any light on this murder, not even 

month on which it happened. There is giving the name of the man killed. 






CHAPTER VI. 



DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (conlinued). 



A French Item — A distressing Scene at Gorhamtown — Escape of Prisoners — Captives taken at 
Number Four — John Spoffbrd — Harvey's Escape — Surprise at Hopkinton — Remarkable 
Events in the Narrative of Mary Woodwell — Upper Ashuclot Surprised — Death of Holton — 
Death of Putnam, and Fight at Number Four — Attack on Contoocook — An Indian punished 
at Ashuelot — Indians fail at Fall Town — John Buck — Attack on Lower Ashuclot — Hunt- 
ington — Two Men attacked near Fort Massachusetts — Surprise at Colerain, and Death of 
Matthew Clark — Persons killed near Albany — Others at Saratoga — Houses burnt at Kinder- 
hook — Men killed near Scheneftady — Seven killed and taken at Norman's Creek — Great 
Depredation at Broad Bay — Surprise and Fight at St. George's Fort — Fight at Number 
Four — Aifiiir at Sheepscott — Retaliation recommended — Forces raised — Surprise at Long 
Creek — A Surprise prevented at Fort Massachusetts — Hugh Morrison — Joseph Swett killed — 

Gallant Defense of Number Four — Seven Persons killed 

at Sheepscott. 




"" iLri p=|iJ HE Chevalier de Niverville, officer, 
and Sieur Groschesne Raimbault, 
cadet, left Montreal on March i6th, 
with some Abenaquis Indians, on 
their way towards Boston, and re- 
turned with some scalps and prison- 
ers, one of whom Raimbault took with his own hand. Sieur 
Duplessis, Jr., an officer, started at the same time with six 
Algonkins and Nepissings in the same direiSlion, and joined the 
preceding party, with whom he returned, bringing in a prisoner 
who was captured at the same time. 

It is not very clear on what point of the frontier this com- 
pany performed their exploit. Perhaps it was at Number Four, 
on the 19th of the following April. A French leader, probably 
the same Raimbault, afterwards fell into the hands of the 
English, as we shall see. 
M 



90 Massacre at Gor ham-Town. [1746. 

April 19, 1746. At a new township called Gorham Town, 
in Maine, was perpetrated a tragedy which was thus reported 
at the time : " Boston, April 28. Last Tuesday morning came 
in here an express from Falmouth, who informs, that on the 
19th instant, about ten o'clock, Mr. Briant of Gorham Town, 
about ten miles from thence, with three others, went to work 
in a field three-quarters of a mile from the fort, when the said 
Briant was shot to death by the Indians ; two of the others 
were taken, and the other made his escape to the fort and 
informed that he saw about twenty Indians, who went from the 
field to said Briant's house, and killed and scalped four of his 
children, three of whom were knocked in the head by an axe, the 
other had its brains beat out against the hearth. This was dis- 
covered in the afternoon by some persons from the fort. His 
wife was missing, and it is supposed is taken prisoner. One of 
the persons taken was seen to be stript naked by the Indians." 
The other persons taken were Jacob Read and Edward Clout- 
man. These were brought prisoners to Quebec on the 14th 
of May following. Mrs. Briant was brought in afterwards, 
who, on the 20th of November, 1746, was married to Leonard 
Lydle, another captive, by the Rev. John Norton,* also a 
captive, taken at Number Four, as will elsewhere be seen. 
Mrs. Sarah Lydle (Briant) died a prisoner on the 7th of May 
of the next year (1747). Jacob Read was also dead, having 
died on the 20th of Odober preceding. | Edward Cloutman 
and Robert Dunbar broke prison and escaped three days after. 
Dunbar was taken not long before as he was scouting "on the 

* Mr. Norton does not mention this at the same time, died eleven days after 
circumstance in his Narrative, which is his father, but had been longer in cap- 
quite remarkable. tivity, having been taken near Annapolis, 

\ John, son of Jacob Reed, a prisoner May 9, 1745, while on duty as a soldier. 



1746.] Surprise at Number Four. 91 

Carrying-Place," and his loss was greatly lamented, as he had 
performed the most important services as a ranger, ever since 
the war commenced. He was a New York man probably, 
and the Carrying Place was that between the Hudson and Wood 
Creek, doubtless. Cloutman does not appear to have reached 
his home, for Anne, probably his wife, petitioned for relief the 
next year, as "her husband was in captivity, and she was left 
with three children, and very poor." 

April 19. "The enemy came to the uppermost and most 
frontier place on Connedticut river, called Number Four, where 
they took three men as they were going to the mill, about half 
a mile from the garrison, namely, Capt. John SpafFord,* Isaac 
Parker and Stephen Fainsworth." They were with a team of 
four oxen. The oxen the Indians killed, and after cutting out 
their tongues left them. They arrived, with their prisoners, at 
Quebec the 3d of the following month. All three of them 
returned home after a short captivity, but whether redeemed or 
exchanged is not known. 

The leader in this depredation was Ensign de Niverville. 
He took his prisoners first to Montreal, where. May 14th, they 
underwent an examination. From SpafFord and Parker they 
learned that two regiments were to be sent from Boston to He 
Royale, where over seven hundred men had died ; that twenty- 
two hundred regulars had arrived at New York from London, 
at the close of winter, and had set out for Louisbourg; that 

* A Capt. John i]f o^ori^ is conspicuous ful^ an uncertainty hangs over him. John, 
in the SpofFord Genealogy in the Nciv the captive, had a wife, and while at 
England Hist, and Gen. Register^ VIII, Quebec wrote a letter to Mr. John Stod- 
340. He settled at Charlestown, N. H. dard, which letter Mr. Stoddard corn- 
He may be the captive, but as nothing is municated to Governor Shirley, and on 
said about it in the Genealogy, and the Oftober i, 1746,11 was read in the House 
discrepancies in the same, render it doubt- of Representatives. 



92 Hopkinton Garrison Taken. [1746. 

two thousand pairs of snow-shoes had been made and laid in at 
Boston, and what Indian moccasins were necessary. 

April 22. A man named Moses Harvey is shot at as he is 
passing between Northfield and Deerfield, and narrowly escapes, 
the ball passing through the rim of his hat. He returned the 
fire, but whether with any efFe£t is not known. 

April 22. The fort or garrison at New Hopkinton is sur- 
prised, and six days after an account of it was published in 
Boston to this purport : " We hear that the Indians have 
lately surprised a garrison house in New Hopkinton, and made 
eight men prisoners, whom they found asleep in their beds, the 
door being left open, or upon the latch, by a man who had just 
gone out a hunting." The names of the captives were Samuel 
Burbank, his sons Caleb and Jonathan, David Woodwell, his 
wife and sons Benjamin and Thomas, and daughter Mary. 
Jonathan Burbank, after his redemption, became an officer and 
was killed by the Indians, they mistaking him for Maj. Robert 
Rogers, against whom they had sworn vengeance. Mary 
Woodwell, after a detention of six months among the French 
at Montreal, returned to Albany, thence to Hopkinton, her 
native place. She had been twice married, joined the Canter- 
bury Shakers, and died in Odtober, 1829, in the one hundredth 
year of her age, having been born May 11, 1730. Her first 
husband was Jesse Corbett. He was drowned in attempting to 
swim across Almsbury river, in Hopkinton, since called Warner's 
river, in 1759. She had two sons by him. She afterwards 
married Jeremiah Fowler, by whom she had five children. 
These fa£ls were gathered from her when in her ninety-third 
year. She stated that there were but six Indians in the party 
that surprised the garrison. Her mother, also named Mary, 
died in captivity, December 18, 1747, at Quebec. "She lay 



1746.] Attack on Upper Ashuelot. 93 

in a burning fever about a fortnight." Samuel Burbank was 
an old man, and died in captivity at Quebec, May 19th, 1748. 
April 23. A furious attack is made by a body of about one 
hundred Indians upon the garrison of Upper Ashuelot, since 
Keene, in New Hampshire. The report of the attack made 
at the time is thus given: "There were about sixty of the 
enemy, who were discovered in their approach, by the garrison, 
early in the morning; whereupon the men went out to meet 
them, and fought, which gave most of the inhabitants time to 
get into the garrison, so that there were only an old man and a 
woman killed, and one man missing, supposed to be taken cap- 
tive. One of our men, being abroad, was surprised by the 
Indians, and submitted by laying down his gun; but the Indian 
who pursued, and had, as it were, taken him, coming up to 
him with his hatchet hfted up to kill him, thereupon, being 
resolute, struck the Indian with his fist such a blow on the 
temple as laid him on the ground, which gave him opportunity 
to recover his gun and make his escape, which he did, to the 
garrison. The name of this man was Ephraim Dorman, and 
another says he encountered two Indians, from one of which 
he tore off his blanket and carried it with him to the fort, 
leaving him entirely naked." 

The enemy had been watching the place, intending, that as 
soon as the men went out in the morning, to rush in ; but the 
affair with Dorman timely alarmed the rest. It appears that 
those who sallied out to fight the enemy met with rough usage, 
one man, Nathan Blake, was captured and carried to Canada, 
but was redeemed in the winter of 1 747. Another, named Allen, 
was redeemed at the same time. The enemy came on very boldly, 
shot down one John Bullard, who soon died, and stabbed one 
Daniel McKenny's wife in the back with a long knife, who also 



94 Death of Holton. \^\j^6. 

soon died. They burnt six houses and one barn, and killed 
twenty-three cattle. In the ruins of one of the burnt houses 
were found the remains of several Indians which had been killed, 
and placed there by their connirades for concealment, as was sup- 
posed. Mrs. McKenny had gone out to milk her cow, at a 
barn near by, and was returning to the fort, when a naked 
Indian, probably the one Dorman had stripped, started from the 
bushes, stabbed her and escaped. She being old and corpulent, 
walked, but slowly, and continued her progress, notwithstand- 
ing her wound was mortal, till nearly at the gate of the fort, 
when blood gushed from her mouth, and she fell and expired. 

April 26. Some of the Indians who did the mischief on the 
23d, at Upper Ashuelot, as was supposed, waylaid the road 
between Lunenburg and Northfield, where they killed and 
scalped Joshua Holton of the latter town. He was on his 
return from Boston with a large sum of money for the pay- 
ment of the soldiers, and parties who had billeted them, among 
whom was Mr. Benjamin Doolittle. They soon after peti- 
tioned the General Court for the amount due them, in which 
petition they said that the last winter they had billeted the 
soldiers under Major Edward Hartwell ; that the major delivered 
the money to Joshua Holton to pay them, who was killed by 
the common enemy as just stated, and the money taken from 
him. The petition went through the usual stages, and on June 
lOth following forty-six pounds seven pence half-penny was 
ordered to be paid the petitioners. 

May 2. The enemy came again to Number Four, and in 
the night hid themselves in a barn some fifty or sixty rods from 
the fort. As Seth Putnam a soldier belonging to the fort, went 
out in the morning, he was shot down and killed. Upon which 
Major Josiah Willard, with two men, ran near the Indians 



1746-] Attack on Contoocook. nc 

undiscovered, and fired upon them, which caused them to make 
a hasty flight, with two of their number mortally wounded. 
They were in the aft of scalping the soldier when fired upon. 
The party of enemy consisted of eight Indians, and was pro- 
bably the same company, under a chief named Thesaotin of 
the Sault St. Louis, sent out from Montreal about the 20th of 
April.* 

May 4. At Contoocook, since Boscawen, N. H., a party of 
Indians fire upon five white men and a negro named Cssar 
kill one of the white men, named Elishaf Cook, and the negro, 
who was the slave of the Rev. Phinehas Stevens, the minister 
of the place. They took Thomas Jones prisoner, whom they 
delivered at Quebec twenty days after. He died in captivity 
in the following August. He belonged to Sherburne, but was 
a soldier at Contoocook when taken. At the time of this attack 
Capt. John GofF of Harrytown, with some thirty-six men, was 
on a scout from the lower towns in the diredion of Contoo- 
cook, but was delayed, owing to a failure of a supply of bread 
at Pennycook, and there received the news of the murders. 

May 4. A party of the enemy secreted themselves about 
the fort at Upper Ashuelot, and in the night attempted to sur- 
prise it by causing those inside to open the gate under the im- 
pression that some friend had come to gain admittance; but the 
Indian who undertook to counterfeit a friend found a sad recep- 
tion, for the sentinel on duty took the precaution to shoot 
through the gate before opening it, thus shooting the Indian 
through the abdomen also. He immediately retreated for 
Canada, but died before reaching Crown Point. 

The same day, at Contoocook, a Mr. Thomas Cook and his 

* See N. r. Col. Documents, X, 32. which is an ejrur, and Judge Potter did 
f Capt. GofF gave his name Thomas, not correil it. 



96 Attack on Bernardston. [ 1 746. 

son, and a negro named Cssar, are killed in that part of the 
place called Clay Hill, and Elisha Jones is taken and carried to 
Canada, where he died in captivity* the i6th of the following 
August. t 

May 6. J At Fall-town, since Bernardston, a party of 
Indians had concealed themselves near by, intending about mid- 
day, when the men were at their labors in the field, to rush in 
and take the garrison. But a soldier a little space from the fort 
discovered them, and alarmed those inside, though he could 
not recover it. There were but three men then in it, yet by 
the assistance of the women in loading the guns, they success- 
fully defended themselves, though the enemy came on with 
more than their accustomed audacity. Finding they could not 
succeed they drew off, the amount of their mischief being the 
wounding of John Buck (or Burk, as Taylor has the name) 
slightly, and killing ten cattle. The chief leader of the Indians 
had his arm broken, and one or two others were wounded. 
Burk (or Burke, as the name is since written) became a man of 
considerable distindlion, served through the war till the fall of 
Canada, having attained the rank of major; was in the battle 
of Lake George, in 1755, and hardly escaped from the Indians 
at the massacre of Fort William Henry, in 1757. 

May 6. At Lower Ashuelot, since Swanzey, Dea. Timothy 
Brown and Robert MofFet are fired upon as they were leaving 
the garrison. They returned the fire, breaking the arm of the 
Indian leader, but both are made prisoners and taken to Canada, 

* Price, History of Boscaiven, 37, and happening on the 9th, by Doolittle, and 

Farmer and Moore's Ga-zcttecr^ p. 83. on the 6th, by Taylor. Gen. Hoyt does not 

j- According to Hoiu, p. 18, who gives give the date. In the Hampshire Record 

his Christian name as Thomas, and says Book it is said to have occurred on the 9th 

he belonged to HoUiston. of IVIay. See Neiu Eng. Hist, and Gen, 

J The date of this affair is given as R^g-i IX, 163. 



1746-] Death of Captives and others. 97 

arriving at Quebec June 22d. They were both exchanged or 
ransomed soon after. 

May 7. One Christian Tedder or Tether is taken at Sche- 
nedtady. He died at Quebec, after a year and eight days' 
captivity, namely. May 15, 1747. The same day died, in the 
morning, a young man of much promise, Mr. Hezekiah Hunt- 
ington, son of Col. Hezekiah Huntington of Norwich in Con- 
necticut. He was captured in a vessel at sea, on the 28th of 
June, 1746; hence he had been near a year in captivity. "A 
hopeful youth of a liberal education;" and another says "he 
was well beloved and much lamented by all sober, religious 
persons." 

May 9. At Fort Massachusetts, in what is now the town 
of Adams, as Sergeant John Hawks and John Mihils, or Miles, 
were riding on a horse, they were fired upon by two skulking 
Indians, and both wounded. Mihils made his escape to the 
fort, and Hawks fell from the horse, and, as the Indians ran to 
scalp him, he recovered and presented his gun, which so damped 
their ardor that one jumped down a bank, and the other got 
behind a tree and called for quarter; but Hawks was too con- 
fused to understand what he meant, so stood hallooing to those 
in the fort to come to his assistance ; meantime both Indians 
fled, one having his gun discharged ; the other had dropped his, 
and did not dare to venture from his screen to recover it. 

May 10. Some of the party of Indians that had fared so 
hard at Falltown, waylaid the road at Colerain, about ten miles 
northwest from Deerfield. Here, as Mr. Matthew Clark, with 
his wife and daughter and three soldiers, were going from the 
garrison to Clark's house, they were fired upon. Mr. Clark 
was killed and scalped, and his wife and daughter were wounded. 
One of the soldiers fought off" the Indians with much bravery, 
N 



98 Murders along the Mohawk. [1746. 

and succeeded in getting the mother and daughter into the fort, 
having killed one of the Indians. The wounded females 
recovered. According to Taylor the party of Indians consisted 
of but five. 

May 10. Six persons are killed in sight of the city of 
Albany, just across the river, two of whom were negroes. 
Pursuit was immediately made, but before men could cross the 
river and pursue on the other side, the enemy got into the 
woods and escaped. 

May 13. As three men belonging to the garrison of Saragh- 
toga were fishing near that fort, they were surprised by Indians, 
who killed a son of William Norwood, took another, a German, 
who used to live with Col. John Schuyler, while the third 
effeiSed his escape to the fort. Another person narrowly 
escaped being taken in his own garden, within a fourth of a 
mile of the city of Albany. So daring have the enemy become 
that they are daily seen about the settlements, and yet none of 
them are either killed or taken. 

About the same time two negroes were taken at Stone Arabia, 
since Palatine, on the Mohawk river, a German settlement, 
commenced in 1709. 

A day or two later they fall upon Kinderhook, burn the 
houses and barns of Tunis Van Sluyck and Peter Vosburgh, 
and kill their cattle. The people escaped to the garrison. 

About the same time Simon Groot and two of his brothers 
are butchered three miles from the village of Schene(?t:ady. 
The enemy burnt their buildings, killed their cattle, and de- 
stroyed their other effects. They were discovered, while doing 
this mischief, by the settlers on the opposite side of the river, 
who knew some of the Indians, particularly Tom Wilemau, 
who had lately removed from the Mohawk country to Albany. 



1746.] Surprise at Broad Bay. 99 

May. At Norman's creek,* about eight miles to the west- 
ward of Albany, as fourteen men, all armed, went with a wagon 
to bring corn from a deserted farm to a house where several 
families had removed for safety, they were met by a party of 
Indians, who killed and took all the party but two, who made 
their escape to Albany. One of these was wounded in the 
shoulder. 

May 21. At Broad Bay, near the mouth of the Penobscot 
river, in A'laine, the houses of the inhabitants are burnt, and 
their cattle killed about Pemaquid. Some people were killed, 
and others carried off prisoners. Among the latter was Capt. 
Jonathan Williamson, who, on the 26th of April, 1747, was 
carried to Quebec. He was exchanged, and returned home by 
way of Boston, after about a year's captivity. f Sullivan was 
acquainted with Capt. Williamson, and had the account of the 
affair in which he was taken, from Williamson himself. He 
was well treated, and being a man of consequence, and well 
known to the Indians, was taken alive, for the reason that he 
would be able to give the French valuable information. 

May 22. At St. George's fort, Capt. Bradbury having sent 
out thirteen men about half a gunshot from the fort, to peel 
some bark for covering of canoes or whale boats newly got ready 
for making discoveries of the enemy. No precautions are 
mentioned as having been taken to prevent a surprise, for no 
sooner had the men commenced their work than they were 
saluted with a volley from an unseen foe, killing at once Elia- 

* Although Norman's kill falls into the f Compare Sulli-van, 168, with Hoiu, 

Hudson about two and a half miles Wow in Indian Captivilits, 138. Williamson 

Albany, yet the course of it is such, that was misled by Sullivan. See the former, 

at eight miles inland the point would lie II, 252. The editor of the Ne-w Tori 

to tit tucstiDard of that city. See Spaf- C'Aonial Documents, following Williamson, 

ford's Gaz. of N. T., p. 361, ed. 1824. has made the same blunder. See X, 95 



loo Surprise near George's Fort. \^\j\6. 

kirn Hunt, badly wounding Stephen Buxton, Samuel Peirce, 
John Davis, and Josiah Harvey. They carried off one man, 
Timothy Cummings, whom they arrived with at Quebec on the 
14th of the next April. The captain of the fort lost no time 
in pursuing the enemy with most of his men, not giving them 
time to scalp the man they had killed. He captured one of the 
Indians, took him to the fort and scalped him. This Indian 
was found to be Job's son-in-law. There is another account 
of the affair extant, but the above is probably the most reliable. 
In this version it is stated that two were carried off captive. 
Of those who escaped to the garrison, one was an old man, 
who was overtaken by an Indian with his tomahawk raised to 
cleave his head, but the old man had presence of mind and 
adtivity enough to turn and shoot down his pursuer, scalp him, 
and gain the fort in safety. Cummings stated, on his arri\ s' 
in Canada, that the Indians killed the ensign as he stood on the 
top of the fort, and that five of the Indians were killed. Cum- 
mings was sixty years old. He died in captivity on the 14th 
of April following (1747). 

May 24. A large body of the enemy appeared again at 
Number Four. Capt. Paine, with a company of horse, had 
recently arrived there, having been sent by the government of 
Massachusetts. About twenty men went out to the place 
where Seth Putnam was killed, when an ambush rose, fired 
upon them, and then attempted to cut oft' their retreat to the 
fort. Capt. Phinehas Stevens, seeing this from the fort, sallied 
out with a few of his men, when a fierce encounter ensued. 
At length the enemy were put to flight, with the loss of five of 
their number killed. They also left on the battle ground, 
thirteen blankets, five coats, a gun, and other things. The 
English lost Aaron Lion, Peter Perrin, and Joseph Marcy of 



1746.] Fight at Number Four. loi 

Capt. Paine's men; and Samuel Farnsworth, and Elijah Allen, 
belonging to the fort. Quartermaster Bacon was wounded, 
and with Ensign Obadiah Sartle was made prisoner. Sartle 
(or Sartwell, as some write his name) returned not long after. 
May 25. At Sheepscott some concealed Indians fire upon 
and kill one man, and wound another. The wounded man 
seeing an Indian coming swiftly upon him to dispatch him, 
courageously turned upon him and cut him down with a hatchet. 
A moment after another appeared, but the wounded man suc- 
ceeded in escaping to the fort. 

This is probably the same event noticed by Smith as happen- 
ing two days later. He says, as five persons were returning 
from meeting they were fired upon by fifteen Indians, by which 
one was killed and one mortally wounded. 

On the 30th of May the governor, in a message to the 
General Court, strongly urged the attention of the members to 
the distressed state of the people; among other things he said, 
"At Fort Dummer they are in extreme distress, also at Number 
Four, and other places, by reason of the great number of Indians 
that appear there. Upon the advice I had about a fortnight 
ago, I sent up three troops of horse, as a most expeditious way 
for a present relief; but there is great inconvenience in this, 
owing to a want of forage, and they must soon be discharged. 
The danger there is of the enemy's being masters of these im- 
portant places, I must desire you to provide for their immediate 
protection." 

On the 31st of May, Governor Shirley laid before the 
General Court a letter from the Rev. Mr. Serjeant, missionary 
to the Housatunnuk Indians, in which he recommended retali- 
ation of a charafter which the governor did not fully approve of, 
at the same time remarking that he was far from any disposition 



I02 Dogs raised for the Service. [1746. 

to countenance cruelty or unnecessary severity ; yet whether 
the pra£lice of the French in this very case, and the great 
advantage they have over us, unless we make reprisals upon 
them in the same way, will not justify us therein, is a matter 
which deserves our deliberation. What the particular case was, 
is not now very clear. However, on 

June 3, Massachusetts voted to raise two hundred and seven 
men to be added to the four hundred and forty posted on the 
western frontier. Of these, twenty were to scout from Stock- 
bridge (of which sixteen to be Indians), along the river above 
Northfield ; sixty -one to be posted in the counties of Middle- 
sex, Worcester, and on the Merrimack river; ten at Sheffield; 
ten at Number One; ten at Number Two; the remaining 
fifty to be a company under such officer as the governor should 
appoint, to range the woods with fifty large dogs. Also, twenty 
men to be sent to the frontiers of the county of York, in addi- 
tion to the six hundred and three already there, and the sixty 
men now being raised to range the woods in the same county. 
Also a surgeon to be allowed for the eastern service, who is to 
reside at Georgetown, on Arowsick island. 

June 5. The governor thought it necessary to issue the 
following proclamation, so constant were depredations on every 
hand not protedled by the open ocean: "Whereas, on the 
25th of April last I issued warrants to the colonels of the 
several regiments of militia within this province, to give out 
orders without delay, for impressing their respecSlive quotas of 
men for the defense of the frontiers. And, whereas, it appears 
to me that there is a great failure in the execution of the said 
warrants in divers of the said colonels, by which means the 
inhabitants of the frontiers are much exposed to the attacks of 
the enemy." 



1746.] Surprise at Falmouth. 103 

June 6. Two soldiers are killed at the side of Westcot's 
Field at Long Creek. There were twenty-five soldiers in the 
field besides Westcot's own people, and only seven Indians 
drove them all, scalped the two soldiers, took off their clothes, 
secured three guns, and made a safe retreat. They did not 
know the soldiers were there till after they had attacked them. 
Two of the English stood their ground bravely, though to little 
purpose. Their names are one Skillin, and Stephen Irish. 

In another and more circumstantial account of this affair, it 
is said to have taken place on the 5th of June ; that as three 
soldiers were set to guard those at work in the field, being 
placed at the entrance of a thick wood, one of them stood with 
his back against a tree, while his two companions were care- 
lessly diverting themselves lying upon the ground. The Indians 
stole up to the tree and attempted by a line to tie the man to 
the tree, and then secure the others as prisoners also ; but when 
seized the man at the tree alarmed the other two by his outcry, 
and at the same time broke away from the Indians, who imme- 
diately fired upon him, wounding him in the arm. They also 
fired upon the other two as they were rising from the ground, 
killing them both. Two of the men at work not far olf, 
caught up their guns, and, meeting the wounded man, with him 
advanced upon the Indians, fired upon and wounded one of 
them ; upon which they all precipitately fled. 

The place of this afl^air was probably where a small stream 
falls into Back Cove ; perhaps on Stroudwater. 

June 10. Captain Eleazar Melvin sent in a petition to the 
General Court, asking for fifty men to be added to the fifty 
already in his company. 

June 1 1 . Some men who were at work not far from Fort 
Massachusetts, are fallen upon by a party of Indians, who kill 



I04 Attempt on Fort Massachusetts. [1746. 

and scalp Elias Nims, and wound Gershon Hawks. They had 
laid an ambush of part of their number to cut off the retreat 
to the fort of any who might attempt it ; and though the am- 
bush rose to carry their plan into execution, were prevented by 
a sharp fire from the fort. They took Benjamin Taintor cap- 
tive, but he returned not long after. He was son of Deacon 
Simon Taintor of Westborough. Near one hundred of the ani- 
mals belonging to the English and Dutch are killed by this 
party of Indians, some of whom lost their lives, but how many 
is not known. The body of one is found a few days after, 
buried in the bank of the river; also some long cords were 
found, judged to have been brought along by which to lead 
captives. 

On the same day Hugh Morrison, of Colerain, reported to 
the General Court of Massachusetts that he had built a good, 
defensible block-house at his own charge, and also "a garrison 
round his house." He requested to be reimbursed, because 
these works were a public benefit. The court thought so too, 
and ordered the committee which had been appointed to erecS 
block-houses in the county of Hamshire, to adjust the matter. 

June 12. Captain Arthur Savage, "late of Pemaquid," 
reported that he had expended upon the fort there <£i 136 9^. I id. 
more than the court had granted him. £284 2j. bd. was voted 
him on the 25th following, "including Xioo, part of £300 
formerly granted and not received." 

June 16. Mr. Joseph Swett* is shot from his horse while 
riding along the road near Blanchard's, in North Yarmouth. 
He belonged to Falmouth. Blanchard's was where Captain 
Andrew Blanchard lived afterward. 

June 19. Number Four was for a long time a point of great 

* In another account Swett's Christian name is given "Jofm^ and his death June 17. 



1746-] Indians repulsed at Number Four. 105 

attraction to the enemy, and as it stood in the way of their 
excursions to the settlements below, they seemed deter- 
mined to destroy it; hence at this time they came against 
it in strong force, though their exadt number is not known. 
While the enemy lay in ambush about the fort, Capt. Phinehas 
Stevens, the commander of the post, and Capt. Josiah Brown, 
from Sudbury, went out with about fifty men to a meadow ; 
they became aware of the presence of Indians by the uneasi- 
ness of their dogs, and rightly judged that they were waylaying 
a certain causey where they were to pass. Capt. Stevens made 
his approach accordingly. As the English were cautiously pro- 
ceeding, one of Capt. Brown's men discovered an Indian and 
fired upon him, whereupon the ambush arose, and a sharp 
engagement ensued, and with much obstinacy, till several of 
the enemy had fallen, and were dragged off by their com- 
panions. They then scattered in the neighboring woods, leav- 
ing behind them one gun, eight blankets, a scalp, and other 
things. Capt. Stevens lost none of his men in the fight, but 
Jedidiah Winchell was mortally wounded, and died about four- 
teen days after. David Parker, Jonathan Stanhope, and Cornet 
Heaton were wounded also, but recovered. Stanhope belonged 
to Sudbury. His wound was in the elbow, which disabled him 
from labor, and government allowed him a pension of four 
pounds per annum. About thirteen years afterwards he had a 
further allowance of one pound per annum in addition.* 

*"Theyreceivedthe lossof nomen, but sent down a troop of men to guard Mr. 

four or five wounded. They sent forty of Doolittle and Dr. Williams to cut off the 

the men to carry the wounded men to the arm of one of their men [ Stanhope ? ] 

fort, and the rest maintained the fight and that was sore wounded," Deacon Noah 

stood them manfully. After the fight tyright's Journal, in N. E. Hist, and 

was over they found where they drew off Gen. Reg., II, 208. Mr. Doolittle is the 

several dead Indians into a swamp. They same as is mentioned ante, p. 10. 

o 



io6 



People killed at Sheepscott. [ 1 746. 



From another source it appears that Capt. Stevens was pro- 
ceeding from his fort in search of horses belonging to his men, 
when the Indians were discovered, to the number of one 
hundred and fifty, as was supposed. The EngHsh had the 
advantage of the first fire. Finding they were getting the 
worst of it, the Indians fled into a swamp, and the English did 
not think it prudent to pursue them; and they did not explore 
the battle ground until the next day, when they found traces of 
Indians killed to the number of ten or twelve. The blankets, 
swords, hatchets, and other things found there, were sold for 
■£40, "a large booty from such a beggarly crew." 

June 22. Seven persons are killed at Sheepscott ; namely, 
three men, two women, and two children, and a girl is taken 
captive, as they were at work in a field within a few rods ot 
the garrison. 







CHAPTER VII. 



DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (continued). 



Return of Pepperrell and Warren from Louisbourg — Ceremonies thereupon — Attack on Bridg- 
man's Fort — People killed at Rochester — Fight at Hinsdale — Capt. Rouse's Failure — 
Capt. Drake's Expedition — David Morrison lost — Losses at Number Four — The Six Na- 
tions— Depredation at Winchester— At ContoDcook — At North Yarmouth — At Northfield — 
At Concord, N. H. — At Black Point — At Shattuck's Fort— At Paquage — Siege and 
Capture of Fort Massachusetts — French Account of the same — Mohawks at Crown Point — 
Constant Bliss killed — Depredation at Deerfield — New Casco — Pemaquid — Schodac — 
Saratoga — Saco — Swivel Guns ordered for Garrisons — A Scalp brought to Boston — Subjcft 
of Exchange of Prisoners agitated — Capt. Gotham's Expedition— A French Armada on the 
Coast — Its Disasters. 

UT amidst the continual alarms from 
attacks of the enemy upon the fron- 
tiers, it was announced in Boston 
that the admiral and general were 
coming up the harbor. They appear 
to have been expected about this 
gi time from Louisbourg, and nothing 
^f« was omitted on the part of the in- 
habitants to do them honor. They 
came in a fifty-gun ship, the Chester, Captain Richard Spry, 
with a blue flag at the mizzen topmast, which denoted that the 
Admiral of the Blue was on board. 

The General Court was in session, and undertook to take 
suitable aftion to receive the conquerors, but the excitement 
seems to have caused a hasty adjournment, leaving their pro- 
ceedings quite incomplete, and Mr. Secretary Cotton probably 
forgot to write up his journal after the excitement was over. 
However, we find that Mr. Speaker Hutchinson was appointed 




io8 Commanders from Louisbourg. [1746. 




to welcome the commanders, who seem, somehow, to have 
gotten into the council chamber of the court-house before the 
court was ready for them, when the following ceremonies 
occurred : The Speaker said, 

'■'■ Jdmiral W AV.Kt.ti and Sir William Pepperrell: 

"The House of Representatives of this Province have a 
high sense of the service you have done for his Majesty's Sub- 
jedls in general, and for the People of New England in par- 
ticular: And it is with the greatest Pleasure they embrace this 
happy Opportunity of acknowledging it. 

"In their Name and by their Order I Congratulate you on 
your safe Arrival in the Province, and most heartily bid you 
welcom. 

"To which Admiral Warren repli'd ; 



1746.] Surprise near Fort Duttimer. 109 

"Mr. Speaker, 

" / am obliged to this honourable House for the great Respefl 
they have shewn me : They may depend upon my Zeal and Service 
while I live for the Colonies in general^ and this Province in par- 
ticular. 

"Sir William Pepperrell also said as follows, 
"Mr. Speaker, 

"/ am heartily obliged to the honourable House for the Respeil 
they have shown me ; and I hope I shall be aliuays ready to risque 
my Life and Fortune for the Good of my dear native Country." 

June 24. About twenty Indians make an attack on Bridg- 
man's Fort,* about two miles below Fort Dummer, and since 
in the town of Vernon, Vermont. They killed William Rob- 
bins and James Barker of Springfield, wounded Michael Gil- 
son and Patrick Ray, and took Daniel How and John Beaman, 
of Northfield, captive, who not long after returned, and the 
wounded men recovered. Before they secured Beaman he 
shot one of the Indians, killing him outright. How was son 
of Daniel How, and nephew of Nehemiah How, who died in 
captivity, as already noticed under 0£lober 11, 1745. It ap- 
pears that the men killed, wounded, and taken, were at work 
in a meadow at some distance from the fort, when they were 
surprised by the enemy. Belknap gives the names of the men 
quite different from Doolittle, whose account is followed. 
Belknap says How killed the Indian, that James Baker was 
killed, and that John Beaman was taken. And Nehemiah How 
records in his journal, that on the 7th of July (1746) John 

* A little below Bridgman's Fort, at a place called Cold Spring. Wright's Journal. 



I 10 



Rochester People killed. 



[1746. 



Beman, of Northfield, was brought to Quebec, and that How- 
arrived there on the loth of February following.* 

"On the 1 8th of July Lieut. Falaise brings into Montreal 
an Englishman named John Bimant, taken on the ist instant 
at Northfils, fourteen miles above Dierfils, by a party of Indians 
belonging to the Sault" [St. Louis]. f 

At his examination Beaman did not fail to represent the pre- 
parations of the English to take Canada on a scale which 
caused the French very great alarm. He told them the English 
army designed against Fort St. Frederick consisted of thirteen 
thousand men and fifteen hundred Mohawk Indians. This 
probably did not exceed the will if it did the power of the 
people. He told them the English were determined to perse- 
vere till Canada was taken, and that the King of England had 
promised to support the colonists till they had efFe£led it. 

June 27. A party of Indians came to Rochester, in New 
Hampshire, on the westerly side of the northern branch of 
Pascataqua river, about twenty-two miles above Portsmouth, 
where, discovering five men at work in a field, having their 
guns within reach, the Indians cunningly induced the English 
to discharge all their guns at once, by firing -one of their own. 
Having thus in effe£t rendered the English harmless, they 
rushed upon them before they could reload their pieces. They 
retreated to a small deserted house, securing the door after 
them. The Indians mounted the roof, broke through it, and 



* Feb. 15th [174^]. My nephew, following. Ihid. 

Daniel How, and six more, were brought ■)• French account in N. T. Col. Docs., 

down from Montreal to Quebec, viz : X, 5 1 j but the dates do not correspond, 

John Sunderland, John Smith, Richard allowing even for the difference of style. 

Smith, William Scott, Philip Scotil, and If the French date is right, the people 

Benjamin Tainter. How'i Narrail-vr, 21. were killed and taken on June 20, which 

Philip Scaffield died on the 7th of April is, indeed, according to Taylor. 



1746.] Fight at Hinsdale. m 

with their guns and tomahawks killed Joseph Heard, Joseph 
Richards,* John Wentworth, and Gershom Downs. John 
Richards they wounded and took prisoner. They then crossed 
the river, where, upon another road, they found some men in 
a field, but all of these escaped. They secured one prisoner, 
a boy named Jonathan Door, whom they caught sitting upon a 
fence. In little less than a month the Indians arrived at Que- 
bec with Richards and the boy. The former was kindly used 
by his captors, and his wounds cured, and after some eighteen 
months he was sent to Boston under a flag of truce. The boy 
Door remained among the Indians some fourteen years, but 
returned after the conquest of Canada, having fully acquired 
the habits and language of the Indians. At Montreal Richards 
underwent a close examination, from whom much information 
was elicited as to the great preparations being made by the 
English to subdue Canada, more than corroborating the large 
statements of Beaman. He returned home not long after, and 
lived to an advanced age, dying in Rochester in 1793. 

July 3. A small party of Indians formed themselves into 
an ambush at Col. Hinsdale's mill, in Hinsdale, N. H., about 
thirty-eight miles above Northampton. The inhabitants for 
some miles around were obliged to club together and perform 
guard duty whenever they wanted their corn ground. At this 
time Colonel Willard went with a guard of about twenty men 
to the mill, and, mistrusting an ambush, warily proceeded to 
discover it, in which he proved himself more alert than the 
Indians, for he discovered and routed the ambush, obliging 

* August I . Lieut. Chjtelain, of Three was taken prisoner by a party of Abanakis 
Rivers, arrived [at Montreal] with the twenty-three days ago, near Rochester. 
Englishman named John Richard, who N. T. Col. Documents, X, 54. 



1 1 2 Capt. Rous' s Disaster. [ 1 746. 

them to fly, leaving their packs behind them. The plunder 
thus secured the captors sold for .£40, old tenor. 

The better to deceive the enemy, probably, the English com- 
menced grinding in the mill before falling upon them, and 
although the Indians fired upon Willard's party, with great 
resolution the major ordered his men "to fire and fall on," 
which they promptly did, and thus causing them to fly in dis- 
may. Of the major's party only one man was wounded, whose 
name was Moses Wright, two of his fingers being shot off. 

July 10. Captain Rouse having been dispatched to the 
island St. John (since Prince Edward's), to take off the French 
inhabitants, a party of his men, going on shore, are fallen upon 
by a large body of Indians, who kill and take twenty-eight of 
them ; * meantime the inhabitants escape into the woods, and 
thus the objedt of the expedition is defeated. Rouse had with 
him several small vessels, which were magnified, in the French 
accounts, into frigates of twenty-four guns and a transport of 
seven hundred tons and twenty men. The English landed at 
Port Lajoie, now Port Joy, near the mouth of York river. 
The number of Indians who surprised the English was two 
hundred. They were Micmacs, and under the leadership of 
M. Croisille de Montesson. "They killed or made prisoners 
of all of them except a few who escaped by swimming" to 
their vessels. The English had on shore, "in a park, a 
quantity of oxen and other cattle," which they had procured 
for provisions. These the Indians killed for their own use.f 
But few of the names of Rouse's men are found, and these 



'*' American Magazine, and Douglass, in this year j and, indeed, in the greater 

Neither Hutchinson nor Holmes mention part of the period of this war. 
this unfortunate affair. The latter is un- f Paris Documents in Col. History of 

accountably deficient and barren of fads Neiv Torky X, 57. 



1746-1 Prisoners in Canada. 113 

were among the prisoners, namely, William Daily, of New 
York, who died at Quebec December 26th, following ; Richard 
Bennet, died 27th February, 1747. He belonged to the Jersies. 
Samuel Vaughan, died April 18th, 1747. He belonged to 
Plymouth, in New England. William Prindle died July 4th, 
1748. William Norwood, who died July nth, 1748. A 
soldier of Louisbourg, named Davis, who died Nov. loth, 1 746. 
The following entry in How's journal probably relates to 
this sad affair: "August 15th, 1746, seven captives, who, 
with eight more taken at St. John's Island, were brought to 
prison [at Quebec]. They told us that several were killed 
after quarters were given, among whom was James Owen, late 
of Brooktield, in New England." * 

The same narrator says Robert Downing was brought to 
prison (at Quebec) September 12th; that he was one of those 
taken at St. John's; that he was with the Indians two months, 
and suffered great abuses from them. 

To secure the Six Nations of Indians on the side of the Eng- 
lish was thought to be of immense importance. Accordingly 
Governor Clinton, of New York, had by messengers arranged 
for deputations of them to come to Albany on the 20th of 
July. He thereupon notified the governors of all the colonies 
to send delegates to the conference. An expedition against 
Canada had been resolved upon, therefore the cooperation of 
the Indians of those nations was thought indispensable; so 
much so by the commander-in-chief, Gov. Shirley, that, in his 
request to the General Court to appoint commissioners, he said 
he had reason to fear the expedition would fail if their aid was 
not secured. The result was commissioners were appointed 

* Hjw's Narrative^ p. x8. 



114 Scouts arid Ambushes. [1746- 

although some difficulty was experienced in finding gentlemen 
to accept the office. 

The Indians' services, or rather cooperation, was to be 
secured by presents. For this end the Massachusetts com- 
missioners were to take with them seven hundred ounces of 
silver, or an equivalent in gold, which they were to lay out in 
articles which they should judge suitable for the purpose of 
presents. 

July 28. Captain Nathaniel Drake, of Hampton, New 
Hampshire, with his troop of mounted men, proceeded to scout 
in and about the woods of Nottingham, where some Indians had 
been lately seen, but, after ten days' diligent search, none of 
the enemy were discovered. 

David Morrison, of Colerain, a young lad, seeing a hawk 
light on a tree a little distance from his father's fort, went out 
to shoot it. As he was intent on his objeft, about a dozen 
Indians sprang from their hiding places, seized and carried him 
away captive. Nothing was ever heard of him after. 

August 2. At the eastward, "the Indians came upon Mr. 
Proftor's folks, and we hear that they killed one."* 

August 3. Number Four is again visited by a large body of 
the enemy. The dogs belonging to the garrison gave notice of 
their vicinity. Early in the morning a few men went out, and 
near a nursery were fired upon by some Indians in ambush, by 
which Ebenezer Phillips is killed. Some time after, as a com- 
pany of men from the fort went to bring in the body of Phillips, 
the ambuscade rose and fired, as it was said, an hundred guns 
at them. The English returned the fire, retreating to the fort. 

* Smith's yotirnal. Mr. Willis makes tor was a son of John, who was executed 
no note of this in his edition of Smith and at Salem for witchcraft ; that he settled 
Dcane, but informs us that Samuel Proc- in Portland in 1718. 



1746.] Surprise at Winchester. nr 

The Indians besieged it till the next day, the men not being 
sufficiently strong to make a successful sally. Meantime the 
enemy killed all the cattle, burnt all the buildings, and drew off 
at leisure. 

August 6. About thirty Indians came to Winchester, N. H., 
waylaid the road, and, as six of the white people were passing, 
fired upon them, killing and scalping Joseph Rawson, and 
slightly wounding Amasa Wright. 

This depredation is thus circumstantially narrated by Deacon 
Wright: "At Winchester, across the way, over against Be- 
nainon ( ? ) meeting-house, lay an ambush, as is supposed of about 
twenty Indians; and several of our men had business to pass 
by, not knowing of the ambush, while the Indians fired on 
them and shot two of them. One of them, named Roger 
[Rawson] killed, the other, named Amasa Wright, being one 
leg shot through, [and] part of his neck ; recovered himself, 
got up and made his escape with the rest of the men. The 
Indians fired thick after them, but they all got off alive only 
said Roger [Rawson]. 

"About the same time a small number of Indians ambushed 
the road at the Lower Ashuelot, and a number of our men 
were passing along that way. Just as they came near the 
Indians they turned out of the path, and the Indians seeing 
them, supposed they were discovered, and that the English 
were surrounding them, rose up and fled through thick and 
thin; and then our men saw them flying, gave them chase, but 
the Indians outran them and escaped ; and there was no spile 
dunne on nary side." 

Joseph Rawson was son of John Rawson, of Uxbridge, 
grandson of the Rev. Grindal Rawson, the well known 
preacher to the Indians, and great-grandson to the old secretary, 



I I 6 Mosuicrc near Concord. \ 1746. 

I'.dvv.iid l<;iws(iii, l'A(|.* josc'|)li's fatluT ii'icivcil the wages 
<liic his son, i1k- lollowing March, from the ticasuicr of the 
colony. 

'I'hc- sanu" day thi- attack was made upon Winchester, two 
men were made prisoners at Coiitocook and carrieil oti". 

Aiigiisi <j. I'hilip Cjrccly is killed at North Yarnioutli; 
somclliiily Indians were seen secreted in a gnlly waiting an 
opporliinily to surprise Wear's garrison, hut it was saved by the 
harking of the dogs. 

August II. At Norihlield, as Heiijamin Wright, a young 
man, was riding in the woods lo bring the cows home, he was 
shot and moitally wounded. lie kept on his horse, which 
brought him into the town, but he died the lollowing night, 
about one o'cloik. The ball passed tliidugh him, coming out 
of the opposite shouldei' from the side where it enlered. 

I he same day five s(d(liiMs fell into an andiush on the road 
between Concord and 1 lopkinton, and aie all killed. There 
were about one lunuli cd Indians it was said. The killed were 
Jonathan Hiadle\ of I'lxeter; Samuel Hradley and Obadiah 
Peters, of C\uicord ; John Mean, of Brentwood; John i.ut kin, 
of Kingston; Alexander Roberts,'! of Hrentwood, ami William 
Stickiu'\', of Concord, were m;ide prisoiu'rs. I'our Indians 
were killed, .ind two nu)rtally wouiuled. 

August I ^. Two Frenchmen and ;in Indian lire on Mr. 
Allen l)o\(i, ashc is passing "through the bog, from HIack 
I'oinI, lull MUSS bmi. lie filed twice on his assailants, ami 
thought he killed one of them." 

August 15. A number of Indi;ms approacheil lo the neigh- 
borhood of Shattiick's fort,:|: and iireil upon four nun, but 

* SiH' t,W/j. A*. //. llnl. .S,f, ., Ill, 74. I Miscallnl, im .1 ni.lli cif tlir time, 

f N. /'.'. Ilisl. aiuldni. II'X- '"• 'i°^■ •yiii'i'iiii'' fort. 



174^-1 Siege of Vort Mas.uicbusetts. wj 

fortunately missed them. A few days liefoie they hiiiiy, up a 
white flag in sight of the fort, intending it |ii()liabiy as a decoy. 

August 17. At Winchester, John Sininions, being at some 
distance from the fort, was shot at by several Indians, who 
missed him. He turned and fired upon them, dropping one. 
On visiting the spot afterwards, the ICnglish found blood upon 
the ground, and one blanket. They therefore cone luded tiie 
owner of the blanket was killed.* 

August 17. Mr. Ezekiel Wallingford is killed near his gar- 
rison, at a place called Faquage, Pequaig, Pcquioug, etc., which 
is in the present town of Athol. He discovered the enemy 
and ran for the fort, but was shot down before reaching it. 
His scalp was taken and borne off in triumjih. 

About the same time a messenger was dispatched to Boston 
from Number Four, who informed the governor of the III state 
of that place. The governor, apprehending it of great im- 
portance, and not to be quitted but upon absolute necessity, 
thereupon ordered a troop of horse to Number l''our, "to carry 
as great a quantity of provisions as they conveniently can;" 
that no part of the forces be withdrawn, except the former 
troops; and that upon their return, together with the company 
of fifty men with dogs, be diieiited to guard off as many of the 
women and children as may conveniently leave the place." 

August 20. Fort Massachusetts, on the Hoosac river, near 
the north-west corner of the province, was invested yesterday 
by a body of Fren( h and Indians, headed by Gen. Rigaud de 
Vaudreuil. His army consisted of about seven or eight hundred 
men, while the fort contained only twenty-two men, three 
women, and five children. f Of the men, but eight were in 

* Deacon ff'rij^ht's 'Jmirtml, but accounts differ as to the number, as 

j- This is according to Vtr. Douglass, will be seen. 



Ii8 Fort Massachusetts take?i. [1746. 

health and able to do full duty. And then they were nearly 
destitute of ammunition, having but some three or four pounds 
of powder, and about as much in weight of lead. The garri- 
son was in command of Sergeant John Hawks. When 
Vaudreuil had kept up the siege about twenty-four hours he 
sent in a flag to demand the surrender of the fort. Hawks 
consulted with his men, who, in view of their desperate situa- 
tion, thought it their most prudent course to surrender on the 
best terms they could get. In these Vaudreuil was very liberal. 
All in the fort were to be well used, and exchanged as soon as 
it could be brought about. None of the captives were to be 
delivered to the Indians ; and that the sick, and such as were 
not able to travel, should be carried. Yet it was said that half 
of the captives were the next day delivered to the Indians, who 
the next night "killed one of the sick men rather than carry 
him," and there was "one man killed in the fight," which was 
the extent of their loss up to the time of their commencing 
their march for Canada. 

It was more than a month before all of this forlorn company 
arrived at Quebec ; then twenty-three at one time entered the 
prison there.* They reported to their fellow prisoners already 
there, that two were killed when the fort was taken, namely, 
Thomas Knowlton and Josiah Read. The names of the 
twenty-three, as recorded on their arrival at Quebec, are these : 
The Rev. John Norton, the chaplain; John Hawks, John 

* This was the number reported, and including women and children, probably. 



1746.] Captives of Fort Massachusetts. 119 

Smead,* wifef and six children, John Perry and wife,;|: Moses 
Scott, wife§ and two children, Samuel Goodman, || Jonathan 
Bridgman,T[ Nathan Eames,** Joseph Scott, Amos Pratt, ff 
Benjamin Sinconds [Simonds], Samuel Lovet,J."]; David Warren, 
and Phineas Furbush.§§ On the ist Ofloher, Jacob Shepard,|||| 
of Westborough, taken at Hoosuck, arrived, and on the 5th 
of Odober, Nathaniel Hitchcock,TfT[ John Aldrich, and 
Stephen Scott were brought in. 

The captives, even those with the Indians, acknowledged 
that they were generally kindly treated, "according to their 
manner," that is, according to the manner of the Indians. 

After the enemy had taken and plundered the fort, they 
burnt it, thus taking revenge for their severe loss of men, 
instead of murdering their prisoners ; for it appears to have 
been currently reported, and fully credited, that Vaudreuil and 
his Indian allies lost forty-five of their numbers during the 
siege, \yhich, considering the weakness of the garrison, is rather 
incredible. 

The chaplain found an opportunity, before leaving the fort. 



* According to Hoiu^ p. 21, he died 
April 8th, 17475 ^"^ according to Nor- 
ton, p. 3, John Smead, Jr., died April 
8th, I'J^'J. Both doubtless refer to the 
same person. As it will be seen, John 
the elder was redeemed, but killrd at 
home. See 19th Oftober, 1747. 

I She died on the 28th of March fol- 
lowing. Her youngest child was born the 
second night after she was taken. Hoiu. 
Her they named Capti'vity. She died at 
the age of about nine months, at Quebec. 

I She died December 23d, following, 
and the youngest child February loth. 

^ She died December nth, following. 



II He died on the 23d March, follow- 
ing. He belonged to South Hadley. 

^ Belonged to Sunderland, died in cap- 
tivity, July 2ist, 1747. 

** He was of Marlborough. Died 
Nov. 17th, following. 

\\ He died on i2thof April, following. 

\X He was son of Major Lovet, of 
Mendon, and died January 23, following. 

l'^ He died in captivity, July i6th, 
1747 ; belonged to Westborough. 

nil He died May 30th, 1747. "A 
pious young man." 

T[^ He died in prison, at Quebec, May 
22d, (oUowing (1747). 



1 20 Captives of Fort Massachusetts. [ 1 746. 

to write a letter, which he dated August 20th, 1746, and placed 
upon the well-crotch, of the following purport : 

"These are to inform you that yesterday, about nine of the 
clock, we were besieged by, as they say, seven hundred French 
and Indians. They have wounded two men, and killed one 
Knowlton. The General De Vaudreuil desired capitulations, 
and we were so distressed that we complied with his terms. 
We are the French's prisoners, and have it under the general's 
hand, that every man, woman and child shall be exchanged for 
French prisoners."* 

In the course of the following year the most of the captives 
found their way back to New England. Some by way of 
France, and some by the West Indies, and some through the 
wilderness. Imprisonment was so irksome to many of them 
that they were ready to accept of any change. A number of 
them arrived at Newport, in Rhode Island, about the ist of 
May, 1747, from the West Indies. From them it appears 
that when Fort Massachusetts was invested there were only 
twenty-two men in it, including the commander. Sergeant 
Hawks, and the chaplain before mentioned ; that of these one- 
half was sick of dysentery. Consequently they were dispirited, 
and too feeble to defend themselves. That the force of 
Vaudreuil consisted of five hundred French and three hundred 
Indians; yet by noon of the second day the English had lost 
but one man,t and two wounded. At this point a parley was 
entered into. The enemy displayed their means for capturing 
the fort, as axes, hoes, spades, a quantity of facines ready cut, 

* Mr. Norton speaks oi rhe terms of -j- Thomas Knowlton, shot in the watch 

capitulation in his Redeemed Captife, and tower before mentioned. His place of 

of this letter, but he does not give the let- residence is not mentioned, but he was son 

ter, for the reason, no doubt, that he kept of Joseph Knowlton. who some time after 

no copy of it. See Appendix, E. received the wages due his son when killed. 



;746.] Fort Massachusetts. 



121 



and a number of grenades ; that if they now surrendered they 
should all be exchanged the first opportunity ; which, as they 
had ammunition to last them "but a few minutes," if the attack 
was continued, the terms were accepted. They encamped the 
following night near the ruins of the fort. 

These captives give a more favorable account of their treat- 
ment than that at first reported. By these it does not appear 
that the sick man who died the first night after the surrender, was 
killed, but died of his malady. All the rest arrived in seven 
days at Crown Point, and in better health than when they sur- 
rendered. 

The French account of the sacking of Fort Massachusetts 
sheds some new light on that important event, big with so 
much suffering and anguish, not only to the immediate victims, 
but to their numerous relations and friends, who, though they 
escaped the horrors of Indian captivity, suffered a long mental 
agony from the harrowing thoughts of what was daily occur- 
ring to those friends in the hands of barbarians. 

The expedition started from Montreal on the 3d of August, 
under the conduct of "Monsieur de Rigaud de Vaudreuil, town 
major of Three Rivers." Under him were "two captains,* 
one lieutenant, three ensigns, two chaplains, one surgeon, ten 
cadets of the regulars, eighteen militia officers, three volunteers, 
and about four hundred colonists and three hundred Indians. 
They attacked a fort on the Kakekoutef river, near Brockfil, 
containing a garrison of twenty-two men, with three women 
and five children. After a fight of twenty-six hours, and the 
loss of one killed and several wounded in the fort, the garrison 
surrendered. M. de Rigaud was wounded by a shot in the 

* The nims of one of them was De f The fare was on a branch of the 
Sabrevois. N. T. Col. Docs., X. 65. That Hoosuc river, which is doubtless the river 
of the other does not appear. meant. 

Q 



122 French Report. \\']^(y. 

ritfht arm, and three of his Indians killed; four Frenchmen and 
eleven Indians were wounded. The party set fire to all the 
houses and grain within a space of fifteen leagues, with barns, 
mills, churches, tanneries, etc." This is substantially according 
to the English account. 

From an improved version of the French narrative, compiled 
later, it is said: "The fort was attacked on the morning of 
the 30th of August. [Thus agreeing with the English as to 
time, allowing for the difference of the manner of dating.] 
They had been on their march ten days. Three women and 
five children were found in it. The loss on the part of the 
English was not ascertained, as they had buried all their dead 
save one. The French loss was one man killed and twelve 
wounded. Sieur Rigaud was among the latter. The fort was 
burnt on the same day, and the prisoners having stated that a 
reinforcement was to arrive from Dierfil, Sieur Rigaud detached 
sixty Iroquois and Abenakis on the route they were to come. 
These Indians having met this reinforcement, which consisted 
of only nineteen men, defeated it, and brought in four prisoners 
only, all the remainder having been killed. 

"After this expedition Sieur de Rigaud ordered the pillage, 
and all the settlements were burnt and sacked, and the harvest 
laid waste within a circle of twelve to fifteen leagues. Only 
fifty-six prisoners were, however, made in this foray, almost all 
the settlers having had time to take refuge in Boston, Deirfil, 
and Orange." [Albany.] 

Thus was the French government treated to an account of 
the Fort Massachusetts afi^air, with scarcely any likeness to the 
true original. It was made intentionally false, and displays a 
wonderful want of knowledge in everything which aitually took 
place, as well as in geography. 



1746.] Gov. Shirley on the Situation. 123 

After detailing the Sieur Marin's expedition of the i6th of 
November, 1745 — in the same strain of exaggeration — 
the writer remarks, that since that foray, "twenty-seven 
detachments of Indians had been formed, with a certain 
number of Canadians always at their head, to make incursions 
on the enemy's flanks, and not one of them had returned with- 
out killing or capturing some persons. The number of prison- 
ers was, at the date of the departure of the ships from Quebec, 
about two hundred and eighty." But the most important 
expedition of them all was that against Fort Massachusetts, 
just detailed.* 

When an account of the capture of Fort Massachusetts 
reached Boston, the General Court being in session. Governor 
Shirley, in a message to the House of Representatives, dated, 
Province House, September 3d, 1746, communicates the fol- 
lowing remarks, just and applicable in this conneiStion: 

"You may make a judgment of the unspeakable benefit it 
would be to this province to have the French dislodged from 
Crown Point, by the calamitous state of the western frontiers, 
and especially in the late tragedy at Massachusetts Fort, now 
burnt down by the enemy, and all the garrison, as well as the 
women and children, either put to the sword or carried into 
captivity ; the terror of which has reached so far as Northamp- 
ton, where the enemy have plundered divers houses, and 
destroyed a considerable number of cattle, all of which you 
will be informed of by a letter I received last night from Major 
Williams, which will likewise be laid before you. 

"It may be remembered by some of you, that in the former 
wars, when the Indians were more numerous, and our inhabit- 
ants in those parts few and weak, that the Indians never made 

* See N. T. Col. Document, X, 76, 77. 



1 24 Men killed at Colerain. [ 1 746. 

such frequent incursions upon them, and very rarely in such 
great bodies as they have done in this war, which must be 
principally attributed to the advantage they have of issuing out 
of a fort so near our borders, where they are furnished with 
necessary provisions and ammunition, and to which place they 
retreat with their prisoners and booty." 

Of course, when the governor's message was delivered, 
nothing was known respecting the fate of the garrison, only 
that all had been carried away captives, and the fort burnt. 
The great anxiety that prevailed concerning the fate of those 
captives, is difficult now to be realized ; scalping, maiming, 
starvation, and horrid deaths by torture, harrowed the sleepless 
nights of numerous friends in various parts of the province, and 
increased a desire to be rid of such troublesome neighbors; 
and this desire soon ripened to a determination of an intensity 
equal, at length, to the sacrifice required. 

Near the end of this month (August) it was reported that 
three Mohawks had killed the officer of the French garrison at 
Crown Point, and another person, as they were walking in the 
garden attached to the fort. These they scalped and brought their 
scalps to Schenegtade^ intending to present them to the governor.* 
Sixteen other Indians of the same tribe went towards Montreal 
with a design to seize some of the French, with a view to bring 
them to Albany, but what success they met with is not reported. 

August 22. As about ten men were going from Deerfield 
to Colerain, two or three Indians having secreted themselves 
near the road, fired upon and shot down Constant Bliss, a 

* It is to this affair that the French 1746), amounted to some Mohegans 

officer refers, no doubt, in his record at [Loups) scalping a soldier belonging to the 

Montreal : " All the expeditions of our garrison at Fort St. Frederick, who had 

enemies have, up to this time (3 August, gone out unarmed. N. Y. Col. Docs. ,X,^^. 



1746.] Surprise at Deerfield. 125 

soldier from Colchester, in Connefticut, his companions flying 
from the place as fast as they were able. The Indians found 
a quantity of rum those men had left, and, after scalping the 
dead man, got drunk, and in their bewilderment wandered to 
the vicinity of the garrisons at Colerain, and there slept till the 
next morning (as they confessed afterwards), where, had they 
been discovered, they might have easily been dispatched. 

August 25. About forty* of the army which had reduced 
the fort at Hoosuc, stealthily approached Deerfield, about thirty 
miles easterly of the former, " not being satisfied with the 
spoil," made at that place. They came first upon a hill at the 
south-west corner of the South Meadow, where were ten or 
twelve men and children at work, in a situation in which they 
might all with ease have been made prisoners — their design 
being to take prisoners. But this object was frustrated, and the 
affair ended much more tragically than perhaps it otherwise 
would. It eventuated thus: Mr. Eleazar Hawks was out 
that morning fowling, and was at the foot of the hill when the 
Indians were coming down into the meadow. Seeing him they 
supposed they were discovered, and thereupon shot and scalped 
him. This alarmed the people in the meadow, being distant 
but a few rods from Mr. Hawks when he fell ; it also prompted 
the Indians to adt quickly, which they did, killing Simeon 
Amsden, a lad, whom they scalped and beheaded. Mr. Samuel 

'^ Taylor says there were fifty^ and went further, and some returned with 

Doolittle sets them at thirty. But the seven scalps, one Englishman, and one 

French account is as follows : " Sixty negro." 

Abenakis belonging to this force, went, '* Seventeen Mississagues left De Vau- 

after the fight [at Hoosuc] to lie in wait dreuil's party during the siege, went six 

for twenty Englishmen who were to come leagues below Orange, struck a blow and 

to the said fort, according to the report of brought back four scalps." Ih. See about 

the prisoners ; but, not meeting with them, tht middle of August, page 1 27, post. 



126 People killed at Deerfield. [1746. 

Allen, John Sadler, and Adonijah Gillet, of Colchester, ran 
a few rods, and then made a stand under the bank of the river, 
meeting their savage pursuers with bravery, but were soon 
overpowered by numbers. Allen and Gillet were soon dis- 
patched, but Sadler succeeded in running across the river, and 
thus made his escape "amidst a shower of bullets." Mean- 
time some pursued Oliver Amsden, stabbed and killed him, 
after having his hands cut to pieces in trying to defend himself 
against the enemies' knives. At the same time, three children 
of the name of Allen (all living in 1793) being pursued, one of 
them, named Eunice, was struck down by a blow of a toma- 
hawk, "which was sunk into her head," but whom the enemy 
in their haste omitted to scalp. She afterwards recovered. 
Caleb Allen, another of the children, made his escape, and the 
third, Samuel, was taken prisoner, the only captive obtained on 
this memorable and sad day to Deerfield. 

The guns and commotion in the meadow at once raised the 
town. "Capt. Hopkins, commander of the standing guard," 
and Capt. Clesson, with a body of the inhabitants, with as 
much speed as possible, pursued on after the murdering party, 
but could not overtake them. Two dead Indians were after- 
wards found near where Allen and Gillet were killed, supposed 
to have been killed by them before they fell. 

It was said, at the time, that but for the delay of the guard 
in the town, the enemy might have been cut otf before they 
could have gotten out of the meadow. The men had been so 
heedless in firing guns at all times, that when guns of alarm 
were fired, they were not heeded. 

The enemy reached Crown Point August 31st, about noon, 
with their six scalps displayed in a triumphant manner, including 
that of Constant Bliss, killed August 22d. 



1746.] Depredations at Schodac. 127 

August 26. At New Casco, Mr. Richard Stubs is taken 
and carried to Canada, where he arrived in Odtober following. 
A soldier was killed when he was taken. 

The same day John McFarland and his son are severely 
wounded near Pemaquid fort, and his fine plantation which he 
had there, entirely laid waste, his cattle all killed, and his build- 
ings burnt. 

About the middle of August six men are killed at Scooduck, 
or Schodac, eight miles below Albany. Another is missing, 
supposed to be taken captive. Perhaps at the same time, or, 
it may be, some days earlier, two men are wounded at the same 
place, "one in the arm, who is like to do well, the other in the 
neck, which 'tis tho't will prove mortal." 

The Indians lately* killed four men and took four others 
prisoners, at Saratoga. Capt. Schuyler, in command of the 
militia posted there, went out to their assistance, but came near 
being cut off, and with difficulty retreated to the fort. Had 
the enemy efFe£ted this, it was thought they would have taken 
the tort. 

To which affair in our narrative the following refers, is not 
very clear: "A party of Abenaquis, headed by Ensign Mon- 
sigin, who had been detached from Sieur Rigaud's (De Vau- 
dreuil) party after his attack on Fort Massachusetts, proceeded 
towards Fort Sarasteau [Saratoga]. They met seventeen 
soldiers belonging to the garrison, took four of them and 
scalped four others. The remainder threw themselves precipi- 
tately into the fort, pursued by our people, who killed some of 
them."t 

The following cannot well be reconciled with any known 

* This account was published in New date is uncertain. 
York, September 15, hence the aftual f N. T. Col. Docs., X, 68. 



128 People taken at Saco. [1746. 

events: "M. de Rigaud has also informed us that several 
Abenakies, belonging to his detachment, had set out after his 
expedition, to make an attack towards DearfiUe [Deerfield] and 
Corsac [Hoosuc?] and have taken fifty-six scalps.* 

Sept. 6. At Saco one man, Joseph Gordon, is killed, and 
his brother, Pike Gordon, is taken captive and carried through 
the wilderness to Canada, after a month's travel. He reported, 
on his arriving there, that his brother was killed when he was 
taken. Just two months after his arrival, namely, on December 
6th, he died in prison, of a prevailing sickness which carried 
off a great number of the poor, unfortunate captives. He was 
sick but eleven days, and all the time delirious. f 

The accounts from the western frontiers were still full of 
terror and alarm, insomuch that Governor Shirley recom- 
mended the sending of a number of swivel guns to be used 
in all the public forts, and some to be loaned to other exposed 
garrisons. 

About the same time an Indian, in the English interest, 
brought to Boston the scalp of another Indian, probably taken 
from one killed at Deerfield on the 25th of August. The 
governor recommended that it might be advisable to grant 
him some gratuity, but whether any aftion followed is not 
known. 

Strong appeals from captives in Canada frequently found 
their way to their friends, and through them to the governor, 
who would gladly have sent flags of truce for their exchange, 
if he could have done so without putting at hazard the general 
welfare of far greater numbers. It was of vast importance to 
follow up the blow which he had dealt the French at Louis- 

* N. T. Col. Docs., X, 68, Probably f There is a fully detailed account in 

a great exaggeration. Voht^rni Saco and Biddcford, 243-6. 



1 746- J T^ he French Armada. 129 

bourg last year, by a formidable attack upon Canada, already 
in preparation ; therefore he could not send a flag to the enemy 
without at the same time conveying intelligence of his prepara- 
tions. In this judgment all concurred, and the matter was laid 
aside for the present. 

About the end of September, Captain Gorham, who com- 
manded the rangers at Nova Scotia, which consisted of Cape 
Cod Indians chiefly, with a party of his men went down 
Annapolis river, and, discovering a number of inhabitants at 
work in their fields, landed ; secreting his Indians, he went alone 
among the enemy, feigning to be a Canadian officer, and, upon 
a signal, his Indians sprang from their hiding places and sur- 
rounded the whole party. The captain's objeiSt being to gain 
intelligence, he carried off only a few of the most intelligent. 
The greatest alarm had prevailed all along the coast of New 
England, as news was daily brought to Boston that a numerous 
fleet of French ships of war were seen in the neighboring seas. 
It proved to be a powerful armada under the Duke d'Anville 
quite numerous enough to take possession of New England, 
and to bring all North America under the yoke of France. 
That such would have been the fate of the country, had it not 
been for the opposition of the elements, seemed quite probable. 
But, like the great Spanish armada of 1588, it could not fight 
against tempests and pestilence, which came to the aid of New 
England in 1746, as they did to Old England above one 
hundred and fifty years before. The cases are quite parallel, 
though New England had no fleet of a hundred ships, with 
Drakes, Howards, Hawkins, and Frobishers to resist the French 
in their approach. Yet a vigorous defense was determined 
upon, and Governor Shirley had called on the inhabitants of 

R 



130 



The French Arniada. 



[1746. 



the country to come to the defense of Boston, and in a few 
days above six thousand men were paraded on Boston Com- 
mon. But the enemy did not appear, and news soon came that 
by tempests and sickness the fleet was rendered harmless ; 
whereupon, on the 7th of November, the governor was re- 
quested to appoint a day of thanksgiving. 




ipiMs "ifiaU*^ ^,T^-Mfi •;. H ■ ■ ^ r/^- 



.^^ffe4>^.v/V^.Hi.i-c-£9^v,-.;;'ii-i^--ci^Vi-i 



CHAPTER VIII, 



DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (continued). 



Saratoga — Sheepscott — Great Sickness among the Indians— Depredation at Concord — Dog5 in 
the Service — Ordered to be disposed of— Discussion respefting Retaliation— Reward tor 
Prisoners and Scalps — Success of some Mohawks — Governor Shirley's Notice of it — General 
Noble's Disaster and Death — Indian Stratagem to burn Shalluck's Fort— Captain Mclvin's 
March up the Conneflicut- Number Four attacked and bravely defended —Commodore 
Knowles notices Captain Stevens, the defender- The Place named for him — Another Expe- 
dition by Mohawks — Narrative of it — French Account — Saratoga attacked again — Depre- 
dation at Kinderhook — At Scarborough — At Saccarap — Northficld — Winchester— Ashue- 
lots — : aco — Falmouth — Damariscotta — Canajoharie — Wells — Topsham — Suncook — 
Pemaquid- Rochester — Some Mohawks bring in Scalps — Attack on Rochester — Saratogi — 
Lieutenant Chew's Disaster — Hendrik's Expedition — Depredation at Fall Town Cole- 
rain — Burnet's Field — Wiscasset — Epsom — Nottingham — Ashuelot — Northampton — 
I-emaquid- Fight at George's Fort— David Brainard — Capture of Rainbow— Sergeant 
Hawks's Mission — John Smead — Depredation at Bridgman's Fort — At Number Four. 

OW the frontier of New York was 
left so much exposed, has already 
been explained. On Odober 12, 
at Saratoga, sixteen men are killed 
and taken, about a mile from the 
fort. They belonged to Langdon 
and Hart's companies. The men 
attacked behaved with great cow- 
ardice, except one Lieut. Johnston 
the ensign of Hart's company. The latter, having killed 
Indians, returned to Albany with the gun of one of them.* 




and 
two 



* The tiite of this item is from another seven men were killed, six of whom were 

source, from which it is learned that the scalped, and seven were missing. Am ing 

party attacked was guarding some wagons ; the prisoners was Philip Scofield, a soldier 

that the number of the Indians was from Pennsylvania; he died at Quebec 

thought to be one hundred and fifty; that the 8th of April, 1747. 



132 Etnployfnent of Dogs. [1746. 

About the same time Governor Shirley ordered Brig. -Gen. 
Dwight to march to the western frontiers with five hundred 
men, and there to employ them to the best advantage for the 
defense of the inhabitants. 

Oftober 20. At Sheepscott, Robert Adams and John McNeer 
are taken and carried to Canada. At the same time and place 
James Anderson is killed. Mr. Adams arrived at the prison 
in Quebec on the 19th of November following. 

November. A great sickness prevailed among the St. John's 
Indians, carrying off great numbers of them. Thus it was 
also among those of Cape Sable. 

The yellow fever carried off near an hundred of the Mohe- 
gan Indians this year also. 

The Cape Sable Indians were terribly reduced by a contagion 
communicated from the French fleet. Admiral La Jonquire's 
men were carried off by ship fever. The clothing of his men 
who had thus died was given to those Indians, from which the 
disease was communicated to them. 

November 10. At Concord, N. H., a Mr. Estabrook is 
shot and killed by some lurking Indians who had waylaid the 
road near where the men were killed on the nth of August 
last. 

November 1 2. The fifty men formerly ordered to range 
the western frontiers with dogs, not having been provided with 
subsistence for a continuance of the dogs in the service beyond 
the present time, John Stoddard, Esq., is directed to order the 
dogs to be disposed of, and there is no mention that they had 
been of any service whatever. 

Dogs seem to have always been used in the wars with the 
Indians. The Spaniards employed them in South America, 
and in King Philip's war they afted their part in that desperate 



1746.] 



Retaliation Discussed. i 3 3 



struggle. In the war with the Western Indians, in 1764, 
among the precautions to be observed by the troops in going 
against them, was the following: "Every light-horse man 
ought to be provided with a blood-hound, which would be 
useful to find out the enemy's ambushes, and to follow their 
tracks ; they would seize the naked savages, or at least give 
time to the horsemen to come up with them, and they would 
add to the safety of the camps at night.* 

In that cruel and unjustifiable Florida war of near seven 
years' duration. General Z. Taylor was authorized to import 
blood-hounds from Cuba, with Spaniards to direct them. 
Many were thus obtained, and a6lually employed in the service. f 
Early in the winter of 1746-7, an earnest discussion came 
up in the General Court of Massachusetts respedting a course 
of retaliation which many had urged should at once be pursued 
against the enemy, and at his own doors. Precipitate adlion 
on the part of the lower house immediately followed, and 
bounties for prisoners and scalps were authorized; but when 
this vote was sent to the Council that body nonconcurred, and 
appointed a conference upon the subjed, at which some modi- 
fication of the vote in the house took place, and the following 
preamble or explanatory declaration preceded the retaliatory 
adtion of the house in these words : 

" His Majesty's subjeiSts the inhabitants of the inland frontiers 
of this province, having both in former and later wars been 
grievously distressed by parties of French and Indians from 
Canada, surprising and murdering men, women and children, 
and taking of their scalps, as a trophy and evidence of barbarity ; 
and it having repeatedly been represented to the governor of 

* See Bouquet's Expedition^ p, 50, edi- f See Book of the Indians, IV, 149. 

tion, London, 1766, 4to. etc., 7th edition, 1841. 



134 Bounties for Indians and Scalps. [1746. 

Canada, that if this unchristain and unmanly way of making 
war was encouraged or suffered to be continued, it should be 
avenged and retaliated on the inhabitants of the French govern- 
ments ; and he the said governor, notwithstanding said repre- 
sentations and warnings, persisting to employ and send out the 
vassals and dependants of the King his master, French and 
Indians, who since the commencement of the present war have 
captivated, destroyed, scalped, mangled and barbarously used 
great numbers of the good people of this and his Majesty's 
other governments. 

"Therefore, for the future safety and protedion of the 
frontiers of this Province, and more efFedually to deter the 
French, and Indians under their direction and influence, from 
carrying on the war in a way and manner abhorred by christian 
and civilized nations, and justifiable from the principles of self 
preservation only; Resolved, that the following bounty be 
granted and allowed to be paid to such Indians as shall go out 
by order or direction of this government, to Canada or the 
borders of Canada, in quest of the enemy, viz, for every male 
prisoner above twelve years of age, £40. For every scalp of 
any male above twelve years of age, that shall be brought as 
evidence of his death, £38. For every female prisoner, and 
each male prisoner, under twelve years of age, ,£20. For 
every scalp of such female or male, under twelve years of 
age, £19." 

It was also voted that any Indian setting out on an expedi- 
tion for prisoners and scalps, be allowed five pounds; that it 
was advised some Englishmen should go with the Indians; such 
were to receive the same bounty. John Stoddard, Esq., was 
to have the direfting of all such parties, and pay their bounties. 

In the mean time news was received from the westward by 



1746-] Mohawks attack the French. 135 

express, which arrived in Boston on the 3d of December, to 
the effeiS that the Mohawk Indians had made a successful 
incursion into Canada. One party struck a blow at Cader- 
ougui-Lake, killed eight persons and brought away six scalps, 
and took seven or eight Frenchmen prisoners, all of which 
prisoners and scalps they brought to Albany. Another party, 
under the chief Hendrik, went to Montreal, and after a con- 
ference with the governor of Canada, went to Isle La Mott, 
in Lake Champlain, where they fell upon some Frenchmen 
getting out ship timber, killed and scalped one, and took another 
prisoner. The report of the guns alarmed some men in a 
house not far off, who, on coming out to discover the cause, 
were also fired upon with buck-shot. The Mohawks then 
immediately took to their canoes, and with their prisoners and 
scalps proceeded to Albany. 

In his message to the General Court on the 30th of this 
month. Governor Shirley alludes to such retaliations in these 
words: "Since the last sitting of the Court I have received 
advice that two parties of Indians of the Six Nations have been 
engaged in ads of hostilities against the French of Canada, 
within their own settlements, in which they have killed five 
persons and taken nine prisoners : the first open breach of those 
nations with the French in this war will, I doubt not, be 
attended with considerable advantage to us if we rightly im- 
prove them by encouraging the Indians." 

January 31. From untoward circumstances, the expedition 
against Canada the last year could not be prosecuted. In order 
to improve some of the men raised for that service. Governor 
Shirley set on foot a winter campaign to drive the French and 
Indians out of Nova Scotia. About seven hundred men were 
employed in this service, under Col. Arthur Noble. But the 



136 Col. Noble s Disaster. [^7^7- 

French were beforehand of them; for M. De Ramesay had 
already garrisoned Minas, the objedive point, with a superior 
force. In his march to that place Noble was surprised in his 
camp by a superior body of French and Indians, himself and 
four of his principal officers, and seventy men, are killed, and 
the rest made prisoners.* But few of the names of those 
engaged in this disastrous expedition have been met with. 
Among them is that of William Nason, of Casco Bay. He 
was taken, carried to Quebec, and died in prison there, June 
20th, 1747. 

March 30. About forty Indians came to Shattuck's fort, 
between Northfield and Col. Hinsdale's, with a design to burn 
it. Having prepared faggots of spruce and pitch pine wood 
with the ends dipped in brimstone, with fire in a kettle covered 
with a blanket, they crept silently up to the fort in the night, 
and succeeded in setting it on fire, which burnt down that 
part of it which stood on the south side of the brook. Im- 
mediately after the wind changed and blew from the opposite 
point of the compass, and the soldiers and people within, get- 
ting into the other part, by the help of the brook and wind, 
stayed the progress of the flames. The Indians were amazed 
to see their prospers thus blasted, and soon after retreated. 
The soldiers fired upon them, breaking the leg of one of the 
assailants. Captain Daniel Shattuck was the owner of the 
fort. He removed to Northfield, from Worcester, about 1723, 
and to Hinsdale about 1736, where he died in 1760, aged sixty- 
seven. His fort was about one hundred rods east of Connedi- 



* A minute detail of this affair by the found very dearly detailed in a very able 

French officers engaged in it is given in work entitled Memoirs of the Last iVar 

N. r. Col Docs, X, 91, 92. A more (London, 1757), pp. 85-89. The Eng- 

favorable account to the English will be lish called the French commander /iiimMy. 



ij^y.] Block- Houses manned. 137 

cut river, one mile south of Fort Hinsdale, and one mile south- 
east of Fort How, on the west side of the river, and three 
miles south of Fort Dunner. 

March 31. Capt. Eleazer Melvin being at Northfield with 
some of his company, on hearing of the attack on Shattuck's 
fort, marched at once in pursuit of the enemy. But they had 
crossed the river, and at Great Meadow were discovered on the 
opposite side and fired upon, by which one was killed. Melvin 
then went to Shattuck's fort, which was deserted, and burnt the 
rest of it, to prevent the enemy from having the gratification 
of doing it, if they should return. 

At the urgent and frequent solicitations of Gov. Shirley, the 
General Court passed the following order for the better security 
and defense of the frontiers. 

April I, 1747. "Ordered that there be pay and subsistence 
allowed for a garrison of twenty men to be posted at North- 
field, and twenty at each of several block-houses to be built 
four miles distant one from the other, and to extend on a line 
from Northfield to Townshend ; said men to be constantly 
employed in scouting from one block-house to another; and 
that there be allowed two swivel guns to each block-house; and 
that there be pay and subsistence allowed for a garrison of twenty 
men in the block-house at Fall Town ; * twenty at a new block- 
house to be built between Fall Town and Colerain ; twenty at 
Colerain ; twenty at the block-house commonly called Fort 
Shirley ;t twenty at Fort Pelham ; J twenty at a new block- 
house to be built west of said Fort Pelham ; and thirty at a 
block-house to be built near where Fort Massachusetts stood ; 
and that two swivel guns be allowed to each block-house, except 
the two block-houses west of Fort Pelham, which are to be 

* Since Bernardston. f Heath. | Ruwe. 

s 



138 Mohawks surprise the French. [ij^.^. 

allowed one swivel and one four-pounder each ; and scouts con- 
stantly maintained from one block-house to another, and also 
west from Fort Massachusetts ; and that a number not exceed- 
ing ten of the inhabitants of Colerain, and ten of those at 
Green River, above Deerfield, be kept in pay of the Province. 

"And it is further ordered, that pay and subsistence be 
allowed to thirty men at the block-house on George's river, 
near the fort there ; and also pay and subsistence to three 
hundred and seventy men for the defense of the eastern frontier 
from Berwick to Damarascotty ; and that His Excellency be 
desired to cause one hundred and fifty of said three hundred 
and seventy to be employed for the defense of the frontier from 
Berwick to Pesumpscot river, and two hundred and twenty 
from said Pesumpscot river to Damarascotty; and that of said 
three hundred and seventy there be one hundred and fifty of 
such of the inhabitants as are so exposed to the enemy as to be 
unable to support themselves by their labor, the pay and sub- 
sistence of the aforesaid forces, both for the eastern and west- 
ern frontiers, to continue till the first of July. Said forces to 
be inclusive of those already on the frontiers." 

April 3. A company of Mohawks were sent out from the 
Mohawk Castle towards Crown Point by Col. Johnson, in 
pursuance of orders from Gov. Clinton. The following is 
Johnson's report of the doings of the party which was led by 
Lieut. Walter Butler, Junior.* "They went to Crown Point, 
where they lay two days upon a hill, from whence they had a 
good view of the fort. They discovered nothing except two 
large canoes full of men, that they saw go from the fort towards 
Albany ; and, by the shouting the men made as they left the fort, 
it was concluded they were going to scalp. The third day the 

"* Documents, Colonial History of Nciu 7'ork, VI, 343 344- 



1 747-] Mohawks surprise ths French. i 



39 



party came down from the hill and divided into two parties, one 
of which consisted of thirteen men came upon the track of 
several persons going towards the garrison ; they pursued them 
till they got within half a mile of the fort, when they dis- 
covered a party of the garrison resting on a fallen tree, and 
were employed in beating and dressing touchwood, which they 
had found in the woods where they had been upon the patrol. 
Our thirteen Indians took the opportunity of approaching under 
a bank. By the advantage of the bank they got very near the 
French without being discovered, and found that the enemy 
consisted of twenty-seven soldiers and three Indians. Our 
Indians fired upon them and killed three ; whereupon the enemy 
flew to their arms and returned the fire briskly, but without any 
execution. Our Indians having loaded again, gave them a 
second volley, killed one more and wounded three; upon which 
the enemy retreated, but one of their officers brought them 
back to their ground again, and then they fought smartly, and 
the chief of our Indians was wounded through the breast and 
one arm, and another slightly on the knee. Upon this, it is- 
said, our Indians, enraged, fought more like devils than men. 
One of our Indians run up (on observing one of the French 
Indians presenting his piece) within ten yards of him, and dis- 
charged his piece loaded with swan shot, into his breast, upon 
which he fell down dead ; the other two French Indians, on 
this, run for it. This discouraged the French so much that 
they all likewise fled towards the fort, except two officers and 
a sergeant, who continued fighting bravely till they all three 
fell. Part of our Indians, in the meantime, pursued those that 
fled till they came within musket-shot of the fort, and say they 
saw nine wounded men carried into the garrison by the others. 
They then returned to the place of adion, but observing a 



1 40 Attack on Number Four. [ 1 747. 

party from the garrison coming after them, they had only time 
to take six scalps. The enemy pursued them closely two days, 
till they came to the lake from whence a river issues that runs 
towards the Mohawk Castle. One of the French officers, the 
Indians say, was a young man dressed in blue, with a broad 
gold lace, who fought with undaunted courage till he was 
grievously wounded, and then called out for quarters in the 
Indian language ; but, perceiving his wounds were mortal, they 
dispatched him. This is considered the gallantest action per- 
formed by the Indians since the commencernent of the present 
war." The party returned to their head-quarters on the 24th 
of the same month. 

This expedition is thus noticed in the French accounts: 
"We learn (May 7th) by a courier just arrived from Montreal, 
that in the last days of April a party of Mohawks and English 
had fallen on twenty-one French scouts near Fort St. Frederic, 
and killed and scalped five of them. Sieur Laplante, an officer, 
had been very badly treated on that occasion, having received 
seven gunshot wounds. This unfortunate occurrence was the 
result of too much confidence on the part of the French, who 
have been surprised." * 

The Sieur Laplante was doubtless the officer in blue with 
gold lace trimmings, just mentioned in Johnson's report. 

April 7. Number Four had been abandoned some time pre- 
vious to this, and was taken possession of by Capt. Phinehas 
Stevens and about thirty men, who were employed in ranging 
the wilderness to intercept parties of the enemy. They had 
had possession but a short time before an army of French and 
Indians under Mons. Debeline appeared before it. Meantime 
Stevens had strengthened the fort and took every precaution to 

* Colonial Documents before cited, X, 96. 



1 747-] French repulsed at Number Four. 141 

prevent surprise. Debeline and his men attacked the place 
with much confidence, shooting fire arrows, running up car- 
riages by long poles, loaded with faggots, to set fire to the log 
fort; but Stevens "had dug trenches from under the fort, about 
a yard outwards, in several places, at so near a distance to each 
other, as by throwing water we might put out the fire." This 
and other precautions had the desired efFedt, though the enemy 
continued their attack with fire arrows for near two days. Then 
Debeline sent in a flag for a parley. Stevens consented, and 
hostages were given and taken. The surrender of the fort 
was demanded, with the usual promise of good quarter and a 
safe condu(a: to Montreal. Stevens answered promptly that he 
would never give up the fort. Then the enemy proposed to 
buy some corn of him, but Stevens said he would not sell them 
a kernel, but he would give them five bushels apiece for every 
hostage they would send in, to be retained till they should 
return a like number of captives. 

Finding they could gain nothing by diplomacy, they resumed 
their fire arrow operations ; but pretty soon became convinced 
that they had men to deal with that were not to be frightened ; 
so, to make a safe exhibition of their courage, they commenced 
formidable preparation to storm the fort, which they probably 
had no intention to put in pradice, for on the night of the third 
day of the siege they decamped, and were seen no more for 
this time. All the damage the garrison sustained was the 
wounding of two of Stevens's men slightly, namely, Joseph 
Ely and John Brown.* 

The news of the gallant and successful defense of Number 
Four, caused much rejoicing all over the country. At the 
same time Commodore Knowles, afterwards Sir Charles 

* The French account will be found in N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 97. 



142 Surprise at Saratoga. [ly^y. 

Knowles, arrived with a small squadron in Boston harbor. He 
had been governor of Louisbourg since its capture. On hear- 
ing of Stevens's success, the commodore was so well pleased 
that he afterwards sent him a silver hiked sword. It was in 
compliment to the commodore that Number Four was named 
Charlestown. 

The enemy appeared in large force at Saratoga the same day. 
As Capt. Trent, with Lieut. Prodtor's party, went out along 
the river to the ruins of Capt. Schuyler's house, in order to 
cross the river, they were ambushed by sixty French and 
Indians, who killed eight of them on the spot, and wounded 
several others. Trent and Prodlor rallied their men, and 
bravely fought the enemy near an hour. In the meantime 
Capt. Livingston dispatched Capt. Bradt with a company, who 
came up on the opposite side of the river, and soon after the 
enemy drew off, leaving some plunder and one wounded 
Frenchman behind them.* 

April 10. The same party of the enemy next appeared at 
Kinderhook, where they surprised a party of eleven men at 
work, killed two of them, and made the other nine captives. 
They then burnt the house and barn of Mr. John Van Alstine, 
and escaped unmolested. f 

April 13. A young man named Nathaniel Dresser is killed 
at Scarborough, within two hundred yards of a garrison,]; and 
the day following, 

April 14, the enemy appeared suddenly at Saccarappe, six 
miles from Portland, captured and carried off William Knight 

* This was one of M. de Rigaud's ex- Neiv York Colonial DocumentSy X, pp. 

peditions, sent out by him from Fort St. 112, 115. 

Frederic under the immediate command f See Ibidem^ 116. 

of M. de St. Luc, at the head of two \ See more full particulars in Colls. 

hundred Frenchmen and Indians. See Maine Hist. Soc.y III, 170, 171. 



1 747-] Men killed at Northjield. 143 

and his two sons. Within the same week they killed a Mr. 
Eliot and his two sons, and carried a Mr. Marsh or Murch into 
captivity. 

April 15. At Northfield, a little after sunset, Nathaniel 
Dickinson and Asahel Burt are killed and scalped as they were 
bringing cows out of the woods. They then made their way 
to Winchester and the two Ashuelots, and burnt all the three 
places, which had been deserted by the inhabitants, the govern- 
ment not being able to proteft them. They complained 
mournfully that the soldiers had been withdrawn, leavino- them 
with no means of taking away their efFedts. 

On the same 15th of April two men are killed near a garri- 
son at Saco, and a third is made prisoner. The three men had 
been weighing hay in a barn, and when they left their work 
were fired upon. This mischief was done in sight of a ship- 
yard where some carpenters were at work. 

April 21. A party of the enemy to the number of fifty, as 
some reported, came within the bounds of Falmouth, killed a 
Mr. Foster, and made captives of his family consisting of his 
wife and six children. 

April 25. The Indians appear again at Saco; some fifty or 
sixty of them attacked the block-house there, and endeavored 
to burn the mills. They kept up the attack all day, and were 
prevented effeding their objed by the it^ brave men stationed 
there, and had two of their number killed. 

April 27. Eleven Indians appeared at Damariscotta, killed 
two women and scalped one of them. The husband of another 
of them, Capt. John Larman, is made prisoner, carried to 
Canada, and delivered at Quebec on the 14th of May follow- 
ing. One account says the women killed were wife and 
daughter of Capt. Larman. Smith appears not to have heard 



144 Many slain at Pemaquid. [1747. 

of the attack until the 8th of May, and then not to have had 
the names of the sufferers. His entry in his journal is: "May 
8. We hear the Indians yesterday, at Damariscotta, took a man 
and killed his wife and daughter-in-law." 

At Canajoharie a party of ten French Indians captured a 
man. Two others heard the man halloo for help, and ran to 
his assistance, and fired upon his captors, killing one and wound- 
ing another; at which the rest fled, leaving their dead companion 
behind them. 

May 2. Five Indians have this week killed two women 
about Falmouth. 

May 4. A man is chased into the center of the town of 
Wells, and the day following one Hinkley is killed at New 
Meadows Neck. He had a brother killed at another time. 

May 9. At Topsham a canoe, in which were three men 
and one woman, is shot into by Indians in ambush, by which 
two of the men are killed and the other sorely wounded, but 
the woman escaped unhurt. 

May 21. As two men were returning with their grist from 
a mill, between Amauskeeg and Suncook, they were fired upon 
by a party of Indians, supposed to be about sixteen, and one of 
them was killed on the spot ; the other escaped remarkably, as . 
three bullets went through the brim of his hat, and ten through 
several parts of his coat, while only two of them grazed the 
skin of his arm and side. The man killed was named Starkee, 
whom the enemy scalped. 

May 22. Fourteen men and a lad, belonging to two fishing 
vessels at Pemaquid, went up to the Falls to take some alewives 
for bait, and coming near the Falls in a whale-boat and canoe, 
belonging to the fishing schooners, six of the men went on 
shore, and while dipping for alewives were shot upon, but none 



1 747-] Massacre at Sagadahock. 145 

were killed. All retreated except Capt. John Cox, who stood 
his ground and was killed. The other five on approaching, 
as was supposed, a morje advantageous ground, faced the 
enemy, but were soon overpowered, and four of them killed. 
The other seven of the company had got about half way from 
the boat when they were attacked and immediately scattered, 
and were pursued by the enemy, who killed two of them ; the 
remaining four men and the boy recovered the whale-boat to 
escape, but were shot upon and two more killed outright, and 
Mr. Abner Lowell sorely wounded, and Capt. Joseph Cox 
severely, whom they put on shore on the other side of the river, 
being followed by four of the enemy in the canoe, who soon 
overtook Capt. Cox and killed him, cutting open his skull with 
their hatchets. Mr. Lowell and the boy not being able to 
manage the boat, watched their opportunity and fled on shore. 
The lad, being fatigued, ran into some bushes and efFeftually 
hid himself. Although the Indians made much search for him 
they did not find him. Mr. Lowell and the boy finally escaped 
to a sloop, Capt. Saunders, who brought them off. Three of 
the men were supposed to have been taken prisoners, viz : 
Reuben Dyer, Benjamin Cox, son of Joseph before mentioned, 
and Benjamin Mayhew. Those found killed and scalped were 
Captains John and Joseph Cox, Lieut. Hawes, Nathaniel Bull, 
George Clark, Jacob Pett, George Caldwell, John Smith, and 
Ezekiel Webb. Those not accounted for were Edward Bull, 
and Josiah Weston or Wesson.* 

* The names are obtained from several were fourteen men and a boy or lad. The 

sourv;es j and although some of them differ, party which committed this savage adlion 

and no one account contains all the tifteen, consisted of fourteen Pannaouamske Abe- 

the above list is believed to be correft. naquis, French accounts in A^. V. Col. 

Smith has a Vincent^ but I find fifteen Docs., X, 107. See also Boston Gazette 

without that name. All agree that there and Weekly yournal, June 2d, 1747. 

T 



146 Fight near Hoosuck. \ij^j. 

John and Joseph Cox belonged to Falmouth, Smith and 
Weston to Purpooduck; Dyer, Mayhew, and Benjamin Cox to 
Falmouth. 

May 23. At Rochester, New Hampshire, Samuel Drown 
is shot in the hip, in which he carried the ball till his death, 
which happened in 1795, at the age of ninety years. 

May 25. Some of the forces destined for the expedition 
against Canada, had been ordered to rebuild Fort Massachusetts 
at Hoosuck. The enemy's scouts appear to have watched the 
undertaking, for they partially surprised a party of one hundred 
and two men which had been sent thence to Albany on the 
19th of May, to guard stores for Fort Hoosuck. The guard 
was under the command of Major William Williams of Stock- 
bridge, Capt. Elijah Williams, Lieut. Groves, and Ensign 
Ingersole. On the 24th they were sent out from the fort to 
meet this convoy ; another detachment, which met them twelve 
miles below, aided Major Williams's party in passing Hoosuck 
river, and then returned to the fort. On the morning of the 
25th, Major Williams had out five scouts, one of which was 
under Ensign Konkapot. He also sent squads of men forward 
to clear the way for the wagons. These having performed 
that service, came "stringing along (contrary to order)," and 
were fired upon by an ambush, by which a Stockbridge Indian 
was killed, and two others of the party wounded. And though 
our men "pushed the enemy like lions, those serpents got off 
the Indian's scalp, about as big as three fingers." All the rest 
reached the fort, except Zebulon Allen of Deerfield, who was 
captured, as was supposed. Three of Williams's men were 
wounded, but not dangerously. The enemy were met near a 
swamp, and a considerable skirmish followed ; and seeing the 
English were likely to have the advantage, they retreated into 



1747-] Saratoga Besieged. 147 

the swamps, but the discharge of a cannon at the fort caused 
them to make a precipitate retreat, leaving behind them twenty 
blankets, one coat with frosted buttons, three of a meaner sort, 
ten pair of woolen stockings, one pair of leather, sixteen gun- 
cases, six muttump lines, four pairs of Indian shoes, looking- 
glass, four shirts, twelve knives, five hatchets, eight petunks, 
etc., etc. The Indians reported that they lost ten of their men. 

June I. About this date the Indian chief Kintigo returns 
to the lower Mohawk Castle, whence he went against the 
French with six men. They brought in seven prisoners and 
three scalps taken at St. Pierres, a little above Montreal. 

June 4. It was reported that a man had been killed at Ro- 
chester, N. H., in the course of the week previous, but his 
name is not ascertained. Encouraged by this success it would 

seem, for on 

June 7, a party of the enemy came to the same town, and as 
they were stealing upon a party of men at work in a field, they 
were discovered by three boys, on whom they fired, but did not 
hit any one. John Place, one of the three, fired and wounded 
an Indian; another of the boys, Paul Jennens, aimed his gun 
at the Indians, but did not fire, though it had the effefl to check 
them, and in the meantime the men at work came to their 
relief and put the enemy to flight. 

June 15. News came to Boston that the fort at Saraghtoga 
had been attacked by two thousand French and Indians, who 
had killed sixty of the garrison, and the attack was still in pro- 
gress. The place was relieved soon after by the arrival of Col. 

Schuyler. 

June 20. Lieut. Chew, with one hundred and two men, 
went on an expedition towards Canada, was attacked and had 
fifteen of his men killed, and forty-seven wounded. The 



148 Hendrik's Expedition. [^7A-7- 

lieutenant and the rest of his command were made prisoners 
and sent to Crown Point. 

June 26. The well known Indian chief Hendrik returned 
from a fnarch into the enemy's country. He had some thirty 
Indians and ten white men under him. They were surprised 
on an Island in the St. Lawrence above Montreal, by the 
enemy's Indians, in which four of the white men and nine of 
the Indians are killed by the first fire. The names of the 

whites were Cornelius Van Slyck, Johannis Pottman, Le 

Roy, and Gott. Hendrik and the rest succeeded in 

escaping. 

June 30. Matthew Loring died in prison at Quebec. He 
was captured at sea, May 29th of the previous year, but under 
what circumstances is not known, nor is it known to what place 
he belonged. 

July 15. About thirty or forty Indians came to Fall Town 
(since Bernardstown), shot and mortally wounded Eliakim 
Sheldon as he was hoeing corn in the field, and, although he 
escaped to the fort, he died the following night. 

July 21. "One day last week a young man was shot 
through the body in two places by Indians as he was traveling 
between Northfield and Falltown, wounding him in so terrible 
a manner that 'tis thought he is dead before this time." The 
man killed was probably John Mills of Colerain, who, according 
to Taylor in the Redeemed Captive, "was passing from what 
was called the South fort to his own house." 

At the same time it was reported that a woman and six child- 
ren were carried off from Burnet's Field, on the Mohawk river, 
the only out settlement undisturbed hitherto in that region. 

July 28. At Penacook a party of the enemy were dis- 
covered by their shooting at some cattle, and are pursued by 



1 747-] Wiscasset, Epsom, Nottingham. 



149 



fifty men. They made a hasty retreat, leaving their packs, 
blankets, and other things behind them. 

July 31. At Mount Swag* [Wiscasset] Ebenezer Hilton, 
Joseph Hilton, and John Boynton, are killed by Indians, who 
took William Hilton prisoner. f 

August ig. A man is fired upon at Brunswick and wounded. 

August 20. A large ship arrives in Boston harbor with two 
hundred and seventy-one persons which had been prisoners in 
Canada ; thirty were left there sick, seventy had died, and one 
hundred remained. 

August 21. At Epsom, N. H., a Mr. Charles McCoy, 
having seen some signs of an enemy in his neighborhood, con- 
cluded to repair to the nearest garrison, which was at Notting- 
ham. He and his wife went out to catch their horses, and, 
becoming separated, Mrs. McCoy was seized by the Indians, 
who carried her to Canada and sold her to the French. At the 
end of the war she was liberated and returned home. She and 
her husband lived to a great age, he being a hundred and five 
years old at his death. J 

The same day a party proceeded to Nottingham, ambushed 
and killed Robert Beard, John Folsom, and Elizabeth Simpson, 
a little to the south of the plain since called the Square. The 
woman, though reported killed, it is believed recovered from 
her wounds. 

About this time (the exadl date has not been ascertained) a 
party of the enemy appeared at one of the Ashuelots (which, 

^ Sullivan writes Monnwcag, one of county, Maine, which communicates with 

the places occupied by the Wewenocks, the rivers Sheepscut and Kennebeclc." 

in 1749, who sent six deputies to the f See N. Y. Doc. Hist., X, 121. 

treaty of Falmouth. See ^oj^. Dr. Morse J The reader will find some additional 

has Moritsiogue in his Gazetteer of 1795, details in Judge Potter's History of Man - 

and says it is '-a river or bay in Lincoln Chester, pp. 250-3. 



15° 



Northampton's Losses. 



biAi' 



is not stated), killed three cattle, and would doubtless have done 
greater mischief, but for their having been discovered by some 
of the inhabitants, who fired upon them. The Indians returned 
the fire, but none were killed or wounded. 

August 26. At Northampton (in the part since Southamp- 
ton) Elijah Clark was killed and scalped as he was threshing 
grain in his barn. " He was the last of between fifty and sixty 
deaths by the Indians, as stated on the records of the town." 

August 27. At Marblehead, since Windham, Maine, one 
William Bolton is captured, and a lad of Mr. Mayberry 
wounded. 

August 29. The Rev. Dr. Ben- 
jamin Colman dies in Boston, at the 
age of seventy-three. He served 
long as a Commissioner of the In- 
dian Corporation of London, and was 
one of the ablest ministers in New 
England. He was once a prisoner 
to the French, having been taken at 
sea, after "fighting bravely," accord- 
ing to his biographer. 

Sept. 2. Some sixty of the enemy 

Benjamin Colman, D.D. 1 ] u .. o -j 1 r 11 

' hovered about i'emaquid, and finally 

attacked it, but were beaten off. They surprised two men at 
some distance from the fort, shot them down and scalped them. 
These were soon after found by men from the fort. One was 
not quite dead, and was able to make them understand that he 
was scalped by a Frenchman, and that not far ofi^ were two 
dead Indians who were killed from the fort. On going to the 
spot no Indians were found, but a great amount of blood. 
At the same time came the account of a fight at St. George's 




1747-] Fight at George's Fort. 151 

fort. Lieut. T. Kilpatrick went out with twenty-five men to 
scout and procure wood. While upon this duty a large number 
of Indians attacked him. Capt. Bradbury of the fort, hearing 
the firing, sent out another party which were soon engaged with 
the enemy, and the fight continued about two hours. The 
enemy finally withdrew, carrying off their dead and wounded. 
Of our men four were killed, namely, John Kilpatrick, Na'than 
Bradley, John Vose, and Benjamin Harvey — the two former 
they scalped — and there were three wounded. The loss of 
the enemy was considerable, as was evident from the amount 
of blood discovered. Three scalps were taken from fhe enemy. 

The party of Indians who did the mischief consisted of 
about sixty Abenakies, twenty of whom returned to Quebec 
October 3d, N. S. They reported that the English had been 
too hard for them ; that the two chiefs had lost two of their 
children, one was the son of Sagonaurabb, and a third the son of 
Louis Meseadoue.* 

Odober i. Peter Boovee, or Bevoee, is captured near Fort 
Massachusetts. He was a soldier belonging to that fort, and 
was out hunting. He returned after peace. 

Odtober 3. A small exchange of captives was effe£ted at 
Isle de Basque, thirty-five leagues below Quebec, by an agent 
of Massachusetts, who left Boston August ist, and delivered 
there sixty-three French prisoners, and received in return six- 
teen of the English. He made this journey in two months and 
three days. 

Oftober 9. David Brainerd, a noted missionary to the 
Indians, dies, at Northampton, aged twenty-nine. His life has 
been published and republished, on both sides of the Atlantic, 

* Neiv York Colonial Documents^ X, 127, 130. 



152 Capture of Rainbona. [1747. 

drawn up from his journals principally, by the eminent divine, 
Jonathan Edwards.* 

0(Sober 16. Major Willard, Capt. Alexander, and others, 
were coming from Ashuelot to Northfield; in Winchester they 
met some cattle running as though pursued. Capt. Alexander, 
being forward, saw a Frenchman in the path, coming towards 
him. When he saw our men he jumped behind a tree. Capt. 
Alexander fired and wounded him in the breast, whereupon he 
made up to the captain and saluted him handsomely^ then fainted 
and fell. Supposing the main body of the enemy at hand, and 
that the Frenchman was mortally wounded, he was left behind. 
Presently his Indian companions came to him. They took him 
up and carried him some distance; but, like the other party, 
they, supposing the English close upon them, left the wounded 
Frenchman and retreated. A few days after, having revived, 
he made his way into Northfield, surrendered himself to the 
English, and was confided to the care of the Rev. Benjamin 
Doolittle, who ailed the part of surgeon, and his wounds were 
soon healed ;t after which Capt. Alexander conveyed him to 
Boston, where he was kindly treated, and in February following 
he accompanied Sergeant Hawks with a flag of truce to Canada, 
to be exchanged, and was quite serviceable to him in his mis- 
sion. His name appears to have been Pierre Raimbault,| which 
the English generally understood to be Rainbow^ though they 
sometimes wrote it Rainhoe. On Sergeant Hawks's return, on 

* His life is given in Dr. Allen's :| Or Sieur Simblin, accuiding to the 

Amer. Biog. Di^iotiary, and is one of the French report of the affair. Perhaps he 

many in that work drawn out at an un- passed himself off with the English under 

reasonable and disproportionate length. the assumed name above given. See 

f Mr. Doolktle does not mention these Ibidem ^ also Ibidem^ X, 32. Rainbow 

fadts in his Memoirs. See A^. T. Col. made quite a sensation in Boston, being 

Does , X, 147, 153. much noticed by the ladies. 



1747'] Men killed at Number Four. 153 

the 4th of May of this year, the governor of Canada sent 
Raimbault, with five other Frenchmen, and two or three Indians, 
as a guard to accompany him, which they did, to within a few 
miles of Number Four. Sergeant Hawks brought along with 
him two that had been some time in captivity, namely, Samuel 
Allen, taken at Deerfield, August 25th, 1746, and Nathan 
Blake, who was taken at Upper Ashuelot, April 23d, the same 
year (1746). 

Oftober ig. As Mr. John Smead was traveling from 
Northfield to Sunderland he was killed by an ambush and 
scalped. The fortune of this poor man was of the most me- 
lancholy kind ; having been one of those who were taken pri- 
soners at Fort Massachusetts, with his wife and six little child- 
ren, and carried to Canada, as already related, and was but 
recently returned out of captivity. His son Daniel died in 
prison at Quebec, after a long and distressing sickness of several 
months. May 13th, 1747. 

Oftober 22. About forty of the enemy came to Bridgman's 
Fort, near Fort Dummer, took Jonathan Sartle, or Sawtelle, as 
he was going from Col. Hinsdale's Fort into the woods, then 
burnt Capt. Bridgman's Fort, house and barn. 

Nov. 14.* As twelve men were drawing off from Number 
Four, a considerable party of the enemy waylaid them as they 
passed down the river, within half a mile of the garrison, shot 
upon them, killed and scalped Nathaniel Gould and Thomas 
Goodale; Oliver Avery was wounded, and John Henderson 
was taken captive. The rest escaped by flight. 

The French account of this affair is as follows: The party 
consisted of forty Indians from the Lake of the Two Mount- 
ains, and were led by the Chevalier de Longueuil, Jr. They 

* Taylor dates this massacre Oftober Z4th, but I follow Doolittle. 

u 



154 LongueuiPs Report. [^747- 

called Number Four Fort Oequarine ; they attacked nine men 
who were going out of that fort, killed two of them and took 
one prisoner, whose name was John Anderson, an Irishman, 
twenty years of age, by whom they learned that the captain of 
the fort was named Elias Williams. Longueuil returned with 
his prisoners to Montreal not long after.* His report of the 
news he obtained on this expedition was a singular medley, and 
could have afforded little satisfaftion to the governor. Some 
of it is thus detailed: "That the fleets of Admiral Townsend 
[he means Admiral Anson and Vice-Admiral Warren] were 
appointed this year for the Canada expedition, but that the bat- 
tle they fought has prevented their coming. That in the pro- 
positions of peace the king [of France] had demanded the 
restitution of Louisbourg, and that King George had answered, 
it was not at his disposal; it was a conquest of the people of 
Boston."t 

It does not appear that Anson was destined for North 
America at the time mentioned, but was stationed in the Chan- 
nel to intercept the shattered fleet of D'Anville on its return 
to France. " The battle " mentioned was that of Anson's fleet 
with that of De Jonquiere's off Brest. De Jonquiere was 
fitted out to reinforce the Duke D'Anville, but, with all his 
fleet, was overpowered and taken. The English had five 
hundred and twenty men killed and wounded. Their ships 
were double the number of the French, and Anson was 
seconded by Boscawen, Brett, and Saumarez. 

* How the Frenchmen got the name fVillard, who was in command of the 

of the fort it is not easy to see. Whether fort not long before, and perhaps when 

the prisoner's name was Anderson or this attaclc was made. See A^. T. Col. 

Henderson is a little uncertain. By £/ias Docs., X, 147. 

ff'illiams they can hardly mean yosiaA f IhiJem. 



^_ ^- ^- §? , l'^' 



5? J^ S>. S»,, 



l#S'4) U U U U U U U (i|0'###U U O U U # 

3 Cto Co OJ U? l-O CD ^-O CO C ■ ■" '- -"^^ >Ti J-r- ?-■- >-ri ,-,, , ,. ,_ :-,i 



o CO Cto CXd^CO Co CO eO L'_' _'_■ lO' Cj i 



CHAPTER IX. 



DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (continued). 



Men killed at Number Four — At Fort Dummer — Poquoig — Sheepscot — Suncook — Rochester — 
Brunswick — North Yarmouth — Southampton — Berwick — Fort Massachusetts — Hollis's 
Attempt to civilize Indians at Stockbridge — Captain Melvin's Surprise — Ambush near Kin- 
derhook — Men killed between Hinsdale's and Fort Dummer — Captain Hobbs' Expedition 
and Surprise — News of Peace — Capture of John Fitch and Family — Depredations at Upper 
Asbuelot — Falmouth — Butchery near Fort Dummer — Other Details — Surprise near Sche- 
neftady — The Six Nations at Albany — Depredation at Northiield — Fight at Fort Massa- 
chusetts — Flag of Truce from Canada — Depredation at Sheepscut — Captives returned — 
Treaty of Aix la Chapelle — Depredations on the Frontiers continue — Captains Prebble and 
Coffin attacked at Annapolis Royal — A Deputation of French and Indians in New York 
City — Peace proclaimed in Boston — Sartell killed at Number Four — Eastern Indians at 
Boston — Treaty made with them at Falmouth — An Indian Trick — Efforts to recover Cap- 
tives from Canada — Incidents. 

HE snow being very deep, on March 
15th, the enemy were not supposed 
to be about ; some eight men went 
out from Number Four to procure 
wood. When about sixty rods from 
the fort, ten Indians, or, as some 
^C judged, twenty, sprang up, and by 
a volley killed Charles Stevens, 
wounded one Andrews,* and took Eleazer Priest 
captive. They then retreated at their leisure, 
our men having no snow-shoes to enable them to pur- 
sue, while the enemy were well supplied with them. It 
is said the French had been apprised of this faft, which was 
the occasion of their undertaking an enterprise under the very 
walls of the fort. 




Andreas. Doolitlle, Androus. Taylor. 



156 Surprise near Fort Dummer. [1748. 

March 29. About fifteen Indians waylaid the scout path 
between Fort Dummer and Colerain. Lieut. Serjeant went 
out in this path with four other men, to obtain timber for oars 
and paddles. At about one mile from Fort Dummer they were 
fired upon. Moses Cooper was mortally wounded the first 
fire, yet escaped to the fort, but died the next night. Lieut. 
Serjeant, his son, and Joshua Wells, engaged the enemy, fight- 
ing as they retreated. Wells was killed. Serjeant encouraged 
his son, saying they should have help from the fort, charged 
many times, shouted as often as the enemy did, and called to 
them to come out and fight like men ; but after a retreat of 
half a mile the lieutenant was killed and his son taken prisoner. 
It is said they received no help from the fort because some of 
the men were sick of the measles, and the others had no snow- 
shoes ! 

There is a circumstantial account of the murder of a man 
at Groton, and the killing of the murderer, said to have hap- 
pened in that town some time during this war ; but as the rela- 
tion is unaccompanied by any date, it may have occurred much 
earlier, or even later than the period assigned to it. The fol- 
lowing are the fadls as recorded, probably long after : 

An Indian had been seen, for several days, lurking about the 
town, upon some ill design, as was supposed. One Jacob 
Ames, who lived on the intervale, on the west side of the 
Nashaway, on land now, or since, owned by John Boynton, 
Esq., went into his pasture to catch his horse. Discovering 
the Indian, who, it would seem, had Iain in wait for him, he 
ran for his house with all speed. The Indian gained upon him, 
leveled his gun and shot him dead as he was entering the 
inclosure surrounding the house. Ames's son and a daughter 
were in the house. The son, seeing his father fall, sprang for- 



1748.] Affair at Groton. 157 

ward to close the gate, but was prevented by the dead body of 
his father. The Indian now came up, and as he was attempt- 
ing to pass the gate, young Ames fired upon him. The ball 
struck the latch of the gate and was thus cut into two parts, 
one of which struck the Indian, slightly wounding him ; not, 
however, sufficiently to prevent his attempting an entrance into 
the house ; but young Ames pressed the door against him, yet 
the Indian thrust one foot in, and was there held while Ames's 
sister passed him his father's gun, which was in the house. 
Thus both parties were fully occupied for the moment — the 
Indian in attempting to force the door, and Ames in holding it 
against him. In another second Ames brought down the but 
of the gun upon the Indian's foot, which made him make a 
hasty withdrawal of it. The latter now commenced reloading 
his gun for a new campaign ; but Ames had the advantage, for 
his was already loaded, which he discharged through a loophole 
or crevice, and killed the Indian. The report of the guns soon 
brought two men to the scene of disaster, Ezra and Benjamin 
Farnsworth, who were at a mill about a mile ofF; they found 
the elder Ames and the Indian weltering in their blood not 
many paces distant. This depredation is thought to be the 
only one which happened in Groton during this war.* 

April 16. As Jason Babcock was at work in his field, at 
"Poquoig,t about seven miles from Nichewag," he was sur- 
prised and carried off prisoner, but returned by way of the St. 
Lawrence and the Atlantic, arriving in Boston the 6th of 
Oftober following. 

April 24. From the eastern country came the following dis- 

* For the faints in this narrative I am diredlion Nitchetvog lay from Poquoig, is 
indebted to Butler, Hist. Groton, iio-ii. not easily determined. The name is not 
-}■ Afterwards Athol. But in what found on the maps consulted. 



158 Murders and Captures. [1748. 

tressing news, in a letter dated, Georgetown, the 29th of April ; 
namely, that on Sunday, the 24th, James Kincaid was killed. 
He had been in captivity nearly two years, having returned in 
a French flag last summer. At Avery's garrison at Sheepscut, 
were killed one Carr and one Ball, and Avery was led away 
captive. It appears that from the uneasiness of the dogs in the 
garrison there were thought to be Indians in the vicinity, and 
the above-named men, with two others, went out, and but two 
of them returned. Two days after five Indians were seen 
going up a creek in Georgetown, as unconcernedly as if it had 
been a time of peace, and there was no one to molest them. 
On the following day, 

April 27, within gunshot of the fort, the enemy took Job 
Philbrook and Samuel McForney and carried them off. The 
same day one of the garrison at St. George's, named Presbury 
Woolen, was captured and carried to Canada, but he returned 
in October following. He belonged to Sandwich. 

April 30. While at work on the western bank of the Mer- 
rimack river, opposite the mouth of the Suncook, Mr. Robert 
Buntin, in company with James Carr and his son, a lad of 
ten years, were surprised by a party of Indians. Carr, in 
endeavoring to make his escape, was shot down and killed. 
Buntin and his son were taken and carried to Canada, and there 
sold to a Frenchman in Montreal. With other prisoners they 
were sent to Boston by way of Louisbourg, where they arrived 
October 6th following, after the comparatively short captivity 
of five months. The name of the son of Robert Buntin was 
Andrew. He went a soldier in the war of the Revolution, in 
which service, at White Plains, he died. 

Besides the above mischief at Suncook, the enemy killed the 



1748'] Murders at Rochester. 159 

cattle of two teams, consisting of nine oxen, six of which they 
cut up and carried off, with the tongues only of the other three. 

May 1. At Rochester, about ten miles northwesterly of 
Dover, in New Hampshire, a Mr. Jonathan Hodgdon and his 
wife went out to find and milk their cows, and, taking different 
paths, some Indians sprang from a thicket and seized Mrs. 
Hodgdon, and would probably have carried her off alive, but 
she screamed to her husband, and would not cease until they 
gagged her, nor then could they stop her entirely, whereupon 
they cut open her head with their hatchets, killing her imme- 
diately. Mr. Hodgdon heard her cries, and was near enough 
to see the fatal blows dealt, but, as he was powerless, and could 
do nothing to save her, he fled to the garrison, closely pursued 
by the murderers of his wife. She was a young woman much 
beloved for amiable and virtuous qualities, by whose death two 
young children were left motherless. 

Mr. Hodgdon married a second wife, and had, in all, twenty- 
one children, and lived to the great age of ninety years, dying 
in 1815. 

May 3. Several persons are killed at Brunswick, among 
whom was a Captain Burnet, or Burnel, and no further record 
is found of this depredation. Not far from the same time a 
man is killed at North Yarmouth, named Ebenezer Eaton, and 
another, Benjamin Lake, captivated; and "all the houses to 
the eastward of Weirs" were burnt down. The number of 
the enemy was computed at an hundred, as they were able to 
waylay "all the road to New Casco." 

May 8. About twelve Indians laying in ambush near a 
house in Southampton, shot and killed Noah Pixley. A Wil- 
liam Pixley was an early settler in Westfield, from whom Noah 
was probably descended. 



i6o Affair near Fort Massachusetts. [1748. 

May 10. At Berwick, on the east side of Salmon Falls 
river, a town about seven miles northwest from York, in the 
distrift of Maine, a young woman named Morell, going out a 
short distance from a house, is seized by Indians, who, after 
barbarously murdering her with their hatchets, tore off her scalp 
and escaped. 

May 21. About thirty Indians came and formed an ambush 
near Fort Massachusetts, hoping to take some of the men of 
the fort prisoners, as they might come out to pass towards 
Deerfield. It so happened that Serjeant Elisha Chapin, with a 
number of men, went out from Deerfield towards the fort. As 
they marched cautiously along they discovered one of the 
enemy standing and earnestly watching the fort. The sergeant 
thinking they might be some of the friendly Stockbridges, 
called to them. Supposing they were discovered, the enemy 
jumped from their hiding places and ran. Upon this Chapin 
and one or two of his men fired upon them, killing one of 
them, the rest making their escape, leaving on the place a gun, 
several blankets, and many other things. With these trophies, 
and the scalp of the Indian, Chapin and his party pursued their 
march to the fort.* 

May 23. Amidst all the trying scenes of the war efforts 
were not relaxed by benevolent Christians to civilize such of 
the Indians as they could have access to. Especially had efforts 
been made among the Stockbridge tribe. Owing to hostilities 
it was not thought advisable to set up a school at Stockbridge, 
although Mr. Isaac Hollis of High Wycomb in Bucks had 
made a donation for the support of twelve boys "of heathen 
parents" to be educated in "letters and husbandry." It was 
therefore concluded to engage the boys and to send them into 

* See Appendix F. 



1748.] Melvin's Expedition. 161 

the settled part of the country, and thus carry out the benevo- 
lent purpose of Mr. Hollis. Accordingly, Mr. Sergeant, the 
missionary at Stockbridge, engaged Captain Martin Kellogg of 
Newington, in Connefticut, to take and support the twelve 
boys, and thus carry into efFe£t the objed which had been for 
some time in contemplation. The boys having been selected, 
set out for Newington at the date above given. After they had 
spent a year under the direction of Captain Kellogg, they 
accompanied him to their former home, and a favorable report 
was given of their progress in education and civilization. 
Captain Kellogg was selefted as their tutor and governor, as 
he had a knowledge of the Indian language, having been twice 
captivated and carried a prisoner to Canada in his youth. 

May 25. Captain Eleazer Melvin was surprised and had a 
severe fight with the Indians at a point on West river. With 
eighteen men he marched into the Indian country, from Fort 
Dummer, upon a scouting expedition, on the 13th of May. 
After marching, by the captain's estimation, about ninety miles, 
he arrived at the shore of Lake Champlain, having till then 
(May 25th) discovered no Indians. He now discovered a large 
canoe in which were six Indians, but beyond the reach of his 
guns. Soon after another was seen with twelve in it. By 
running to a point of land, about half a mile nearer Crown 
Point fort, they got within some fifty or sixty rods of the boat 
or canoe; thinking he might have no better opportunity to 
annoy the enemy, he ordered his men to fire into their canoe, 
which they did, firing six times each in about three or four 
minutes. At the first shot all in the canoe lay down close, but 
when three rounds had been poured into them, "they made a 
most terrible outcry," cut down their sails, and about six of 
them commenced paddling to get out of the reach of their 
V 



1 62 Mehin's Disaster. [1748- 

assailants. At the fourth volley from Melvin's men, three of 
the enemy made a shot at them, by which one man had his 
hand grazed by one of their balls. By this time the alarm 
had reached Crown Point, of which notice was given by firing 
three of the cannon of the fort. The assailants now thought 
it time to make good their retreat ; and fearing the enemy 
might intercept them in their return march, they waded swamps 
and flowed land, and scaled mountains in various directions. 
At length they reached West river, thirty-five miles from Fort 
Dummer, on the last day of May. Now feeling that they had 
got safely thus far, they probably were a little too secure, and 
were not sufficiently cautious, and allowed themselves to be 
surprised, and, in a feeble fight that ensued, Melvin lost six of 
his men killed outright, namely, Joseph Petty, John Howard, 
John Dod, Daniel Man, Isaac Taylor, and Samuel Severance. 

It appears that as soon as Melvin was attacked his men scat- 
tered, a few of them faced about and made some shots on 
their pursuers, but no considerable stand was made by any of 
them, and all except the six above named came into Fort Dum- 
mer at different times ; and at the time it was remarked, that 
"it was a surprising stroke, and struck a great damp into the 
spirits of our men who had thoughts of going into their [the 
Indian] country ; when they found how far the Indians would 
pursue them to get an advantage upon them." But the same 
writer had remarked before, that there was a probability that 
the Indians that surprised Melvin were the same that had been 
discovered and routed by Sergeant Chapin on the 2ist of May. 
How this may have been it would be useless to conjecture. 

Whether any charge of remissness of duty was brought 
against Captain Melvin, no mention is found. Perhaps his 
explanation, and his former services under Captain Lovewell 



1748.] Hobbs's Expedition. 163 

sufficiently shielded him from suspicion of cowardice or want 
of capacity in such commands. 

As twenty men were on their march to Kinderhooic they 
fell into an Ambush of French and Indians, who killed five of 
them and took two prisoners. Another party of English, con- 
sisting of fifteen, soon after came up with the enemy, killed 
their leader, a Frenchman, and two Indians on the spot ; 
recovered the two prisoners, and put the enemy to flight, who 
left their accoutrements behind them. 

June 16. A large body of the enemy having waylaid the 
road between Col. Hinsdale's Fort and Fort Dummer, fired 
upon a company of thirteen men as they were passing from the 
former to the latter fort, where, by one volley, were shot down 
and killed, Joseph Richardson, Nathan French and John Frost. 
Three only escaped ; the rest were taken prisoners. It after- 
wards appeared that one of the prisoners was mortally wounded, 
as the bones of a man were found where the enemy encamped 
the first night after their murderous exploit, and W. Bickford 
was missing. The names of the men thus captured were Henry 
Stevens, Benjamin Osgood, William Blanchard, Matthew 
Wyman, Joel Johnson, Moses Perkins, and William Bickford. 

June 26. An expedition under Captain Humphrey Hobbs 
went out from Number Four. It consisted of forty men. 
Their march seems to have been early known to the enemy, 
whose spies were probably secreted near the fort when Captain 
Hobbs commenced his march, for when he arrived at a point 
about twelve miles northwest of that fort he found he was 
pursued by one hundred and fifty of the enemy. It being the 
middle of the day, he had halted his men to allow them to take 
some refreshment, when the approach of the enemy was 
announced by a gun from the sentinel stationed in the rear. 



164 Desperate Battle. [1748. 

Whereupon, almost momentarily, the enemy came on with 
their accustomed shouts and yells ; and yet, notwithstanding 
the great disparity in numbers, Captain Hobbs and his men 
stood their ground, giving them "a warm reception," and, in 
the manner of battles of those times, continued the fight for 
four hours, during which Hobbs lost three men in killed, 
namely, Samuel Gun, Ebenezer Mitchell, and Eli Scott, and 
three more very badly wounded, whose names were Samuel 
Graves, shot in the head, by which some of his brains came 
out; Daniel McKeney, who had his thigh broken; and Nathan 
Walker, who had an arm broken, the ball lodging between the 
bones, and Ralph Rice slightly. Up to this time the enemy 
unflinchingly continued the fight ; but now, fortunately, Capt. 
Hobbs got a shot at their leader, the Indian chief who had 
encouraged his men, and it was supposed killed, or so badly 
wounded him that they all left the ground and drew off, and 
Capt. Hobbs was able to carry off his dead and wounded men. 
He buried the killed about half a mile from the scene of the 
fight, "as well as he could in the dark," and the next day con- 
tinued his march to Fort Dummer with his wounded, and the 
following day he proceeded to Northfield. 

Considering all the circumstances, there had hardly been a 
more desperate action between the English and Indians since 
that at Pequawket in 1725, when the "brave Lovewell with 
fifty men from Dunstable," encountered Paugus in the wild- 
erness of the Aucosisco. And yet it is scarcely mentioned in 
any considerable work of history, and is yet to be sung by 
some native poet in the perhaps very distant future. But it is 
sure to be immortalized in song, no doubt worthy of the occa- 
sion. One local writer has indeed said in prose, that "it was 
a very manly fight;" and another, that "our men fought with 



1748-] Fitches Garrison taken. 165 

such boldness and fortitude, as that had they been Romans, 
they would have received a laurel^ and their names would have 
been handed down with honor to posterity." 

What loss the enemy sustained in this severe conflidt was 
never known ; but as they were near three to one of the Eng- 
lish, they must have, in all probability, suffered at least in as 
great a proportion as their opponents. They also retired from 
the field without giving even a single shout, which they never 
do when successful. It was also observed, that when about 
a week after the battle they met some of the English captives, 
they looked downcast, "like dogs that had lost their ears." 

July 2. News reached New England that preliminary arti- 
cles of peace had been agreed upon between the contending 
powers in Europe. 

July 5. A large party of about eighty Indians, and a few 
Frenchmen, surprised the garrison at Lunenburg, took prison- 
ers Mr. John Fitch and his family, consisting of his wife and 
five children, and carried them through the wilderness to 
Canada, where they remained till the news of peace between 
England and France was received there ; after which, with 
other captives, Mr. Fitch returned home by way of New York. 
Like hundreds of others he returned a beggar to his desolate 
home, with several small children dependent upon him. As 
he left under his own hand a circumstantial account of his cap- 
ture, the reader may desire a more detailed narrative of the 
affair. It therefore follows : 

Mr. Fitch was a carpenter by trade, and, having a young and 
growing family, he determined to make a farm in the wilder- 
ness, and accordingly purchased, in the year 1739, one hundred 
and twenty acres of land about seven miles and a half above 
Lunenburg meeting-house, and about three miles and a half 



i66 "John Fitches Narrative. [1748. 

beyond any inhabitants, on the road to Northfield. He there 
built a house, and from the produce of what land he had from 
time to time cleared, supported his family, "and some to spare, 
whereby he entertained and refreshed travelers." On the 
breaking out of the war, knowing his very exposed situation, 
the people of Lunenburg urged upon him the importance of 
having a garrison at his place. The result was, with their 
assistance one was soon eredted, and soldiers stationed in it by 
the government. From that time forth it was a place of re- 
sort and refreshment for town scouts, as well as for the larger 
government scouts. This year four soldiers were allowed for 
his garrison, and it was also ordered that the scouts from 
Lunenburg and Townsend should visit the place once every 
week. From which circumstance the authorities probably 
imagined that if the enemy came to attack the garrison they 
would come at the same time the scouts were there to enter- 
tain them! But, if this was their calculation, "they reckoned 
without their host." And, to add to the desperate situation of 
this pioneer family, half of the regular soldiers belonging to 
the garrison (namely, Hvo) were too sick to be upon duty, and 
this was the time the enemy came for entertainment. They 
did not even wait for a scout which was to arrive as a reinforce- 
ment the same day, but appeared before the garrison in the 
forenoon. Mr. Fitch and his two defenders, Blodget and 
Jennings, were outside of the garrison when the enemy made 
their appearance, and as the disparity of the forces was too 
great to warrant a prolonged adtion, after having half of his 
small force shot down, with the remaining half (namely, one 
man) Mr. Fitch retreated within his garrison. Nothing 
daunted, the enemy came on with their usual bravery, and 
vigorously continued the attack, while those within defended 



1748.] yohn Fit Che's Narrative. 167 

themselves until Mr. Fitch's last man was killed by a shot 
which came through one of the port-holes of the garrison. 

Thus reduced, and no hope of succor, Mr. Fitch, with his 
wife and five children, became captives to the Indians. After 
plundering the place, taking whatever they could carry away, 
they set fire to and burnt the rest, with the garrison and other 
buildings. Then, says the owner, "we entered into a melan- 
choly captivity, with one small child on the mother's breast," 
and two others, to prevent their starving, she was compelled to 
nourish in the same manner while on their journey through the 
wilderness. This distressing hardship, with other privations, 
broke her constitution, and, although she survived her captivity, 
she died before the end of her journey homeward. 

About the 23d of September, conducted by five French 
officers, Mr. Fitch and his family, with many others, arrived in 
Boston, his wife having died at Providence, on the passage 
from New York hither. With his five children, one of whom 
was sick, Mr. Fitch was entirely dependent on charity; all his 
stock of cattle, hogs, and other animals, destroyed, and his 
tools and household utensils burnt up. In December, 1749, 
he petitioned the government of the colony for help, and on 
the following April (1750) the treasurer was direfted to answer 
his order for eight pounds ! " in consideration for his sufferings ! " 

The names of Mr. Fitch's five children were Catharine, 
John, Paul, Susannah, and Jacob. His wife's name was Su- 
sannah. 

The part of Lunenburg since Ashby, includes the farm and 
residence of John Fitch. 

July 8. A party of Indians came to Upper Ashuelot and 
killed eleven head of cattle, which is all the damage they did, 
so far as known. 



i68 Surprise of the English. [1748- 

The night of the same day, a man of the name of Whitney 
died at Falmouth of the wounds he had received from the 
Indians. 

July 14. The road between Fort Hinsdale and Fort Dum- 
mer is again waylaid by a large number of Indians, reported to 
have been a hundred, and as Sergeant Thomas Taylor, with a 
company of seventeen men, was on his march from Hinsdale's 
Fort to Fort Dummer, the Indians iired upon them and then 
rushed upon them with their tomahawks and war clubs. The 
sergeant ordered his men to fight, but the odds was too great, 
and the English were quickly overpowered, and all were killed 
or taken except four who escaped by flight. The killed were 

Joseph Rose, Asael Graves, Billings and Chandler ; 

nine were taken prisoners, namely. Sergeant Thomas Taylor, 

Thomas Crisson, John Henry, Lawrence, Walker, 

Daniel How, Jr.,* Edghill, Daniel Farmer,t and Ephraim 

Powers. Of the four that escaped, one was badly wounded. 
Two of the captured men being severely wounded also, were 
carried about a mile and then killed. The Indians which per- 
formed this bloody work were said to have been a part of those 
who had the four-hour fight with Capt. Hobbs. 

The following is the report of this disaster published about 
fourteen days after it happened: "From the westward we 
have intelligence that Captain Stevens, having been lately out 
with a number of men, found four of the seventeen men that 
were fallen upon by the enemy between Hinsdell's Fort and 
Fort Dummer, dead; nine more are supposed to be in cap- 
tivity. He also found one of the ten who were missing some 

* He had been in captivity about two seems not to have been known to the 
years before. See 24 June, 1746. genealogist of the Farmer family, Mr. 

•}• The circumstance here recorded John Farmer. 



1748.] Disaster near ScheneBady. 169 

time before. He followed the enemy, but could not come up 
with them. He also buried Capt. Hobbs's three men which 
the enemy had not found." 

July 18. About three miles from Schenedtady, Daniel Tol, 
Dirk Van Vorst and a negro went to a place called Poependal 
to catch their horses; but not finding the horses as they 
expecSed, they went into the adjacent woods to a place called 
the Claypit. They discovered Indians and attempted to escape 
from them, but were pursued by them, and both Tol and Van 
Vorst were shot down, but the negro escaped. Van Vorst, 
though wounded, was not killed, but taken prisoner. The 
firing was heard at Maalwyck, about two miles distant, and the 
people there, knowing that Tol and Van Vorst had gone for 
their horses, suspefted the occasion of the firing. This was 
about ten o'clock in the morning, and a messenger was at once 
dispatched to the town, where the alarm was sounded about 
twelve. Some of the inhabitants, with a company of the new 
levies posted there under Lieutenant Darling of Connedticut, 
in all seventy men, marched out towards Poependal, cautiously 
searching for the enemy, as far as the lands of Simon Groot, 
but made no discovery of the enemy. At this point the negro 
before mentioned came to the party and told them where the 
body of his master was. The negro was furnished with a 
horse, and they (about forty in number) were piloted to the spot 
where his master lay dead ; and near Poependal, at Abraham De 
GraafF's house. They immediately entered the woods with the 
negro, where they at once discovered the enemy in great num- 
bers, upon whom they discharged a volley with a shout. The 
enemy shouted in return, accompanying it with a volley also. 
This was the commencement of a most desperate fight. All 
but two or three of the English stood to it manfully, although 
W 



I JO The Slain at ScheneBady. [1748. 

they were hemmed in on every side by the great numbers of 
the enemy, and fought over a space of about two acres ; yet 
the battle ground was left in possession of the settlers. In this 
hand to hand encounter twelve of the inhabitants of Sche- 
nedlady were killed outright, five taken prisoners, and seven of 
Lieutenant Darling's men, including himself, were killed, and 
six of them missing, supposed to be taken prisoners. 

The news of this battle reached Albany in the evening of 
the same day, and by midnight Lieutenant Chew, with one 
hundred English and about two hundred friendly Indians were 
on the march for the scene of adtion, but to no other purpose 
than as showing their willingness to meet an emergency of this 
kind. 

The names of the people killed, so far as ascertained, were 
Daniel Tol, Frans Vander Bogart, Jr., Jacob Glen, Jr., 
Daniel Van Antwerpcn, J. P. V. Antwerpen, Cornelius 
Vielen, Jr., Adrian Van Slyk, Peter Vroman, Klaas A. De 
Graaf, Adam Condc, John A. Bradt, John Marienes. 

There were missing Isaac Truax, Ryer Wemp, Johan Seyer 
Vroman, Albert John Vedder, and Frank Conner, all belong- 
ing to ScheneEiade. Of the soldiers seven were killed and six 
missing. 

July 22. An immense concourse of Indians of the Six Na- 
tions assembled at Albany, at the invitation of the governor of 
New York. His objedl being to keep them to the English 
interest. Several governors of the other colonics were present. 
It lasted four days, during which time the Indians were feasted, 
and presents were made to them at a cost of above two 
thousand pounds; upon which it is reported that they were well 
pleased, and promised to take up the hatchet against all enemies 
of the English. There were fourteen hundred and fifty of them. 



1748.] Fight near Fort Massachusetts. 171 

July 23. At Northfield a few Indians, the number not 
known, but said to be six, waylaid the Town Street, and as 
Aaron Belden was passing along before sunrise, they killed and 
scalped him, and fled into the woods before the people were 
aware of what had occurred. 

August 2. A party of some fifty French and Indians went 
into the immediate vicinity of Fort Massachusetts and placed 
themselves in ambush. By the furious barking of the dogs in 
the fort, the officers concluded there were Indians not far off. 
Capt. Ephraim Williams was in command, and in the after- 
noon, while he was consulting with his men upon some method 
by which he could surprise the ambush, several soldiers ran 
out of the fort without orders, following a diredtion indicated 
by the dogs. A part of the ambush jumped up and fired upon 
the men. Upon this Captain Williams sallied out with a strong 
party to rescue those already engaged; and, not knowing where 
the ambush was, found he had passed itj or a part of it, and 
was in imminent danger of being cut off in a retreat; but he 
and his men courageously fought retreating, and gained the fort 
with the loss of one man only killed and two wounded. The 
man killed was named Abbot. The wounded were Lieut. 
Hawley, shot through the leg, and Ezeklel Wells, who had his 
thigh broken. The enemy was thought to have sustained con- 
siderable damage, as they were seen to drag away several dead 
bodies. Captain Williams's men made a stand before retreating, 
and fired several times apiece without any shelter. 

August 4. It had been some time known in Canada that 
preliminaries of peace had been agreed upon in Europe, but 
the news had not reached Boston in any authentic shape until 
this date, and then it came from three French Indians who 



172 Prisoners arrive in Boston. [1748- 

came to Albany from Canada to announce it. Yet depreda- 
tions continued. 

August 16. The governor of Canada having dispatched 
from Quebec, on July 27th, a flag of truce ship for Boston, it 
arrived here after a passage of twenty days. When the ship 
sailed there were about one hundred and seventy-five captives. 
One or two died on the voyage.* In all there had died in cap- 
tivity and on shipboard, one hundred and seventy-three ; all, or 
nearly all New England people. While in captivity, in the 
hands of the French, they were allowed each one pound and 
a half of bread, half a pound of beef, one gill of peas, " with 
spruce beer," per day. 

August 23. The enemy appeared again on Sheepscot river, 
where they killed two men and captured another ; but their 
names are not mentioned. 

■ 0£i:ober 6. The schooner Brittania, Aylmer Graville 
master, from Louisbourg, came into the harbor of Boston, 
with a great number of persons who had been in captivity 
among the French and Indians in Canada. Many of them had 
been captured at sea, and belonged to various sea-ports in 
England. 

Odlober 7. The treaty of Aix la Chapelle was signed by 
the envoys, but the fa£t was not formally proclaimed at Boston 
until about six months after, so slow was the communication 
between distant places at that period. Hence war parties from 
Canada hovered upon the borders of New England as though 
no treaty had been made. Although the treaty of Aix is a 
noted epoch, it proved to be nothing but a kind of armistice, a 

* Douglass mentions some of the fafts wrong year. His dates are often errone- 
detailed in this paragraph, but under the ously given, yet his work is valuable. 



1748-] Prebble and Coffin s Expedition. 173 

"hasty and ill-digested affair, determining none of the points in 
dispute.* 

Odober 20. Captain Jedediah Prebble and Captain Coffin,t 
with thirty men, embarked at Annapolis Royal for St. John's 
river. The next day Captain Gorham embarked with thirty 
more. Captain Gorham on board the AnsonJ with the same 
number, sailed on the 24th. On the 28th Captain Gorham, 
with "ten men and paddles," went to the east of the harbor, 
and Captain Prebble and Captain Davis of the Warren, with 
five oarsmen, went to the westward of the harbor to make dis- 
coveries, and on going on shore were fired upon by the Indians, 
who killed William Croxford, one of Captain Prebble's men ; 
they also killed two of Captain Gorham's men and wounded 
three others. Captain Prebble at the same time having a very 
narrow escape. Seeing an Indian in the edge of a wood taking 
aim at him with his rifle, at about eighty yards distance, the 
captain stepped behind a small tree which at the same moment 
received the ball from the Indian's gun. Captain Prebble im- 
mediately fired upon the Indian "with a brace of balls," as also 
did Captain Davis ; but whether with execution, they could not 
tell, as all the party retreated to their boats and returned to the 
place of their departure, with two Indians prisoners. By what 
manner the prisoners were taken is not stated, althouo-h it is 
mentioned that one was a son of a chief, but the chief was 
able to make his escape. 

February 17. Nineteen Indians and Frenchmen arrived at 
New York from Canada. Their object seems not to have 

* Wynne, Brit. Emp. in yimcrica,Il, ^. is unknown. I have supplied that of 

f The genealogist of Newbury does not Prehlc conjefturally. 
seem to have known anything about this \ Doubtless so named for the Commo- 

Coffin, consequently his Christian name dore. 



174 Peace proclaimed in Boston. [1748. 

been generally known. Perhaps it was in consequence of the 
news of an armistice. They continued there until the 9th of 
April following, causing much speculation respefting the objedts 
of their visit. 

May 10. A proclamation of peace is made with great 
demonstrations of joy at Boston. The regiment of the town 
was ordered out, and paraded in King street ; and being drawn 
up before the Town Hall, the proclamation was read from the 
balcony, and received with great and unfeigned delight by the 
people. But, like the ocean long lashed by the tempest, its 
fury does not entirely abate with the going down of the wind. 

June 20. The frontier towns were again thrown into 
excitement and alarm. The repeated news of peace in Europe 
had inspired many with confidence that the war was at an end, 
and hence they repaired in many instances to their abandoned 
farms and dwellings. Under this hope of security a band of 
savages made their appearance at Number Four, just after the 
soldiers which had been stationed in the fort there had left, 
having been ordered elsewhere. This morning (June 20*) 
Ensign Obadiah Sartell went into the field to harrow corn, 
taking Enos Stevens with him to ride the horse. The Indians 
were concealed in the bushes which skirted the field, and from 
which they fired upon and killed Sartell, also the horse on which 
the boy was. The Indians then, ten or twelve in number, 
quite naked, rushed upon and scalped Sartell, took the boy and 
carried him to Canada, but the authorities there discountenanced 
the depredation and had the boy sent back immediately. 

* Mrs. Johnson, in her Cafiiirity, gives was edited by a scholar (the late Rev. 

the particulars of this affair, but was mis- Abner Kneeland, as he informed me), 

taken in saying it was in May. Her well from such materials as the Johnson family 

written account is quite erroneous in its had preserved. A reprint is in Farmer 

dates generally. The third edition of it and Moore's Hin. Colltdions, I, 177-139. 



1748.] Close of the War. 175 

The Indians at the eastward had been quite as troublesome 
as those on the western border; and although they generally 
knew of the armistice before the English were apprised of it, 
they did not entirely cease their depredations for some time 
after they had received the news. And although they had 
exceedingly annoyed and distressed the English settlers on all 
their borders, and were almost always successful in their forays 
against them, yet in the past five years of war they had, through 
casualties of battles, infeiStious diseases, and rum, become 
amazingly reduced, so that the better part of them, especially 
in the eastern country, were quite as ready as their English 
neighbors to make terms of peace. The murders and other 
mischiefs perpetrated during several months past was the work of 
straggling parties which had not acknowledged accountability to 
any body, but operated through a thirst for plunder and revenge. 

Early this year the chiefs of the eastern tribes met in council, 
and agreed to make overtures to the government of New Eng- 
land for a settlement of difficulties. This they made known 
to the authorities by a messenger dispatched for the purpose. 

Other preliminary arrangements are not found upon record 
before the 3d of June. Then Gov. Shirley wrote to Gov. 
Benning Wentworth, and probably to the other New England 
governors, that there were then nine Indians in Boston, six 
from the Penobscot and three from the Norridgewalk tribes; 
that they stated they had been sent here by their own, the St. 
Francois and St. John's river tribes to assure the authorities of 
their desire for peace, and to request that a time and place of 
meeting might be fixed for holding a treaty ; that he had, in 
accordance with their request, appointed the 27th of September 
ensuing for a meeting at Falmouth, and desired that New 
Hampshire would be represented on the occasion, and that as 



176 Treaty at Falmouth. [1748- 

suitable presents would be expefted by the Indians, he had 
given orders for such on the part of Massachusetts. 

On the 17th of June seven other Indians arrived at Boston 
from the eastern coast, in the province sloop, commanded by 
Capt. Thomas Saunders, but in what capacity is not ascertained. 

Agreeably to the promise of Gov. Shirley, commissioners on 
the part of Massachusetts and New Hampshire met the Indians 
at Falmouth on the 14th of Oftober. From the former pro- 
vince were Thomas Hutchinson, John Choate, Israel Williams, 
and James Otis (the father of the famous James Otis, who was 
also there), Esqrs. From the latter, Theodore Atkinson, and 
John Downing, Esqrs. 

The Norridgewaks were represented by six chiefs, viz, 
Toxus, Eneas, Magawambee, Harrey, Soosephinia, Naktoonos, 
Nesaqumbuit, and Pereez. 

The Penobscots by five chiefs, viz, Eger Emmet, Maga- 
numba, Ni6tumbouit, Esparagoosaret, and Neemon. 

The Weweenocks and Arresuguntoocooks by six chiefs, viz, 
Sawwaramet, Aussaado, Waaununga, Sauquish, Wareedeon, 
and Wawawnunka. 

The usual articles were drawn up and subscribed OcSober 
1 6th, 1749. These were mainly confirmatory of Gov. Dum- 
mer's treaty of 1727. And on the 27th of the same month 
Lieut. -Gov. Phips issued a proclamation in conformity there- 
with, at Boston. 

Peace was now fully established, and the people felt relieved 
from the perils to which they had for the last five years been 
subjecSted. 

At the late treaty, and before it was fully opened, an inci- 
dent occurred which for some little time seemed to portend a 
disagreeable rupture to further proceedings. It may be well to 



1749-] Treaty at St. George's. 177 

premise that Indians delight in innocent mischief. It appears 
to have been a sine qua non in the preliminaries to this treaty, 
that the Indians should bring forward and deliver up the English 
captives among them. The following circumstance in rela- 
tion to this matter is detailed by Gov. Hutchinson, then one of 
the commissioners there present. It therefore follows in his 
own words: "Notice had been given that they must bring in 
such English captives as were among them, and particularly a 
boy whose name was Macfarlane, and who was taken in the 
beginning of the war. They apologized for not bringing Mac- 
farlane, and feigned some excuse, promising he should be sent 
when they returned home. The commissioners showed great 
resentment, and insisted upon the delivery of the captive pre- 
viously to their entering upon the treaty. Some time was spent 
in altercation. At length an old sachem rose up, and took one 
of the likeliest and best dressed young Indians by the hand, and 
presented him to Mr. Hutchinson, the chairman of the com- 
missioners, as the captive Macfarlane. This increased the 
resentment, and it was thought too serious an afFair to be [thus] 
jested with. The young man then discovered himself, and 
(having spoken nothing before but Indian), in the English 
language thanked the commissioners for their kind care in pro- 
curing his redemption. He had so much the appearance of an 
Indian, not only in his dress, but in his behavior, and also his 
complexion, that nobody had any suspicion to the contrary. 
He had made himself perfeiftly acquainted with their language, 
and proved serviceable as an interpreter at the French house so 
long as he lived." 

The boy Macfarlane is probably the same Waltar McFar- 
land who., in 1752, was one of the witnesses to the treaty of 
that year, made at St. George's. Whether he were a son, or 
X 



178 Exchafige of Prisoners. \^\j^o. 

belonged to the family of Mr. John McFarland, of whom 
mention has been made under Aug. 26, 1746, is as yet uncertain. 

After the close of hostilities there was much to be done. 
Many of the English, Dutch, friendly Indians, and negroes 
were still in captivity, or whose fate was unknown to their 
friends. Consequently it was the desire as well as the duty of 
the government to use efforts to recover such as were yet 
living and held by the Indians. Accordingly commissioners or 
agents were sent to Canada early in 1750 to endeavor to bring 
from that country all that could be obtained. They found some 
of the captives indisposed to return, having become attached to 
the manner of life of their Indian masters, and some of them 
thoroughly imbued with the Roman Catholic religion; others 
refused to return to their native land, alleging as a reason that 
they would be obliged to labor a long time to raise the money 
paid for their ransom ; that now they had their liberty and could 
do as they listed. 

In the month of June, 1750, Gov. Clinton, of New York, 
sent Lieut. B. Stoddert to Montreal, where he met the French 
authorities, from whom he received twenty-four prisoners. He 
learned the whereabouts of many others, and with Captain 
Anthony Van Schaick went into the Indian country to obtain 
them, but without much success. The names of those which 
returned with Lieut. Stoddert were as follows: Capt. Anthony 
Van Schaick, John Vroman, Peter Vosborough, William Goff, 
Christopher McGraw, John Philips, Edward Varen, Benjamin 
Blachford, Peter Clin<5ton, John Thompson, Daniel Eden, 
Albert Vedder, Adam Mole, Francis Conner, Cornelius Sprong, 
Elisha Stansbury, Timothy Colbe, Southerland Fort, Timothy 
Colson, Peter Dogaman, Mattee Gatroup, and three Mohawks.- 

Efforts were made to induce others, of whom he had informa- 



I750-] Search for Captives. 179 

tion, to return, but could not prevail on them. The following is 
a list of them: Rachel Ouackenbus; Samuel Frement, a ne- 
gro; Simon Vort, Philip Philipson, Thomas Volmer, Jacob 
Suitzer, Jacob Volmer, Joshua Nicolson, Henry Piper, Christian 

Volmer, John* [ ], Edward Cheaole, and an old man whose 

name is not known. He was away on a hunting expedition with 
the Hurons of Lorette, and it was not known whether he desired 
to return to New England ; if, on coming from hunting, he 
wished to go to his former friends, he should be at liberty to do 
so. Rachel Quackenbushf abjured the English religion, and 
Lieut. Stoddert could not persuade her to return. The negro, 
Frement, was held on the principle that negroes were slaves in 
all countries, and that the English had a£led upon that princi- 
ple, and an instance was given wherein they had so afted. 
Vort, Phillipson, and T. Volmer had made abjuration, and 
desired to remain with the Iroquois. Vort, or as his name 
is elsewhere written. Fort, belonged by adoption to a sister 
of a chief named Agouareche. She refused to give him up 
at any price, though it does not appear that Stoddert was 
provided with any means for paying a ransom, as his instrudtions 
were only to exchange prisoners. But Capt. Van Schaick 
offered six hundred livres for Fort without succeeding in obtain- 
ing him. On the contrary, so determined was his squaw owner 
to retain him, that she said she would obey the French com- 
mandant and deliver him up, but that she and her husband 

* His surname does not appear in our at Saratoga, Nov. 17th, 1745, died a 

documents, thougli they inform us he was prisoner at (Quebec, Dec. 7th, 174.6. 

an Englishman by birth, and that he was Two men of the same surname, Jacob 

captured near Caskebee [Casca Bay] in and Isaac, father and son, died there, 

1746- both on the same day. May 26th, 1747. 

I Another (whether of the same family They also had been taken at Saratoga, 

is unknown) Marthy ^aquinbuih^tzkzn Nov. 17th, 1745. 



i8o Efforts for Captives. \^'1S°- 

would follow him, and he should not reach home alive. The 
authorities therefore thought it best not to urge the matter 
further. Suitzer was living at the Falls of St. Louis, and did 
not desire to leave his Indian associates. J. Volmer, Nicolson, 
and Piper, were at the Lake of the Two Mountains, with the 
Iroquois and Nipissings. These Indians refused to give them 
up, because "they loved them very much." Nicolson was dis- 
posed to leave them, but was not permitted to do so. C. Vol- 
mer was at the Lake of the Two Mountains, and when he 
returned to Montreal he was to be allowed to go home if he 

inclined to do so. The captive John [ ] lived with the St. 

Francis Indians, by one of whom he was captured. John 
refused to be delivered up, and Lieut. Stoddert, who under- 
stood the Indian language, visited him and tried to persuade him 
to go home with him, but without avail; said "he had been 
instruded in the Catholic, apostolic, and Roman religion, in 
which he wished to live and die." Edward Cheaole had mar- 
ried a squaw among the Lorette Hurons, and desired to remain 
with them. 

Lieut. Stoddert left Canada on the 28th of June with his 
twenty-four prisoners. He was to proceed to Fort St. Frederic, 
having given the Marquis de la Jonquiere a receipt for them, 
purporting that he was to send to the governor of New York, 
requesting him to forward "all the prisoners, both French and 
Indians, in his hands, to Mr. Lydieus, and give orders to the 
officer who shall have charge of them to send me an express 
on their arrival at that place, to inform me thereof, and to tarry 
one day, so that they may be exchanged, one against another, 
at the foot of the Great Carrying Place of Lake St. Sacrament, 
whither I will repair in order to conclude the reciprocal 
exchange of the French and English prisoners."* 

* Cdmial History of Ncnv York, vol. X, 209-15. 



APPENDIX A, 




(Page 29.) 

10 those who have accused Gov. Shirley of taking 
to himself more credit than belonged to him in the 
Cape Breton expedition, the perusal of his mes- 
sages to the General Court, from first to last, during 
It, is earnestly commended. Space cannot be allowed here for 
all of them, but the following are fair specimens of the whole. 
They are elegant compositions, and will compare favorably with 
the best parliamentary speeches of the time ; and as to their 
accuracy in statements of fa£ls, there can be no space for a 
question. 

On April 3d, 1745, Gov. Shirley made the following com- 
munication to the "Gentlemen of the Council and House of 
Representatives: In pursuance of the resolution of this Court 
for forming an expedition against the French settlements on 
Cape Breton, passed the 25th of January last, which is agreea- 
ble to His Majesty's pleasure signified to me upon the present 
rupture with France, 'That I should take all opportunities, as 
depended upon me, to distress and annoy the French in their 
settlements, trade and commerce.' I have raised three thou- 
sand volunteers, under proper officers to be employed in His 
Majesty's service upon that expedition, two thousand eight 
hundred of which by the 24th day of last month, and the 
remainder within two days after were embarked, and sailed for 
Canso, where they were to be joined with three hundred and 



1 82 Gov. Shirley's Speech. [Appendix. 

fifty troops more, raised by the government of New Hampshire 
for the same service, upon my application to Gov. Wentworth, 
and to proceed from thence by the first favorable opportunity to 
Chappeaurouge Bay, to which place I expedt they will be fol- 
lowed some time this week by five hundred troops more from 
Connefticut, raised likewise for the same service by that 
government, upon my application to them. And after the most 
diligent and exacS inquiry into the state of the enemy's forces 
and fortifications upon that island, from persons intimately 
acquainted with both, I have endeavored to form such a plan 
of operations to be executed immediately upon the landing of 
our troops there, as may, I hope, with the blessing of Divine 
Providence upon His Majesty's arms, render our attempts 
against the enemy under their present circumstances, success- 
ful, provided our naval forces shall prove sufficient to hinder 
them from being reinforced in the meantime with recruits and 
supplies from France. For preventing which, as well as to 
cut off" all intelligence from the enemy, and intercept any pro- 
vision vessels which might arrive to them from other parts, I 
sent away, near three weeks ago, three ships of twenty guns 
each, two snows of sixteen guns, and an armed brigantine 
of near the same force (which, together with some other ves- 
sels of war, are employed by this government in the service of 
the present expedition) well manned and equipped, with orders 
to cruise before the harbor of Louisbourg till the arrival of 
our land forces at Cape Breton, after which those vessels will 
be immediately joined by Captain Rouse in a snow of twenty- 
four guns, and the Connecticut colony sloop, in order to block 
up the enemy's harbor more closely. And that I might pro- 
cure as strong an armament by sea as well as land, as may be 
upon this occasion, I not only applied to the neighboring 



Appendix.] Gov. Shirley's Speech. 183 

governments of New England, New York, the Jersies and 
Pennsylvania to furnish their respedtive quotas of sea as well 
as land forces for this enterprise in the common cause, but to 
the commanders of His Majesty's ships of war stationed in 
these parts for their assistance also, as far as His Majesty's 
service in their several stations would admit ; and particularly 
apprised Commodore Warren by an express sent to Antigua, 
of the whole scheme of the expedition, representing to him the 
advantages we have over the enemy at present ; and that for 
securing the success against them, 'it was necessary that we 
should have a sufficient naval force before the harbor of Louis- 
bourg by the middle of March at farthest (if possible), not only 
to intercept the enemy's provision vessels, but Monsieur Du 
Vivier, who was expected by that time with recruits and sup- 
plies for the enemy's garrison, and perhaps some troops designed 
against Annapolis Royal, under convoy of a fifty-four and sixty 
gun ship; the intercepting of which would be a killing- blow to 
the town and garrison of Louisbourg ; but that it would be 
impossible for us to muster up here a sufficient naval force for 
that purpose without the assistance of two fifty or forty gun 
ships;' and therefore pressing him in the strongest terms, 'if 
he could possibly spare two such from the squadron under his 
command, to dispatch them away instantly upon the receipt of 
my express ; and that if he could not spare two such ships, he 
would assist us with one, which might, perhaps, be sufficient, 
as I was in hopes from advice I received from England, that 
one, if not two, of His Majesty's ships of war might be ex- 
pected to arrive here with stores for New Hampshire and An- 
napolis Royal by the middle of March, though I could make 
no absolute dependence upon that.' And as His Majesty's ship 
the Bien Amie prize, Captain Grayton commander, then and 



1 84 Gov. Shirley's Speech. Appendix.] 

still in this harbor, and which I understood was sent here, partly 
to load with masts of such dimensions as could not be got 
ready before the latter end of June, 'I desired that we might 
have the assistance of that ship for the expedition, or Mr. 
Warren's orders to His Majesty's ships stationed at Virginia, 
for that purpose ; ' and requesting that what ships he sent us 
might proceed direftly to Canso ; for which purpose I sent him 
two skillful pilots, and apprising him that I should send His 
Majesty an account of the expedition by a Bristol vessel the 
day following. In answer to this letter I received another from 
Mr. Warren, dated February 24th, by return of the express 
boat, which arrived at Boston the 19th of last March, wherein 
he informed me, that 'he should be very glad to be employed 
in this expedition, but that the unhappy loss of the Weymouth,* 
in which ship he should have come here some time in March, 
pursuant to his orders to attend on New England, had prevented 
him ; that he had sent my letters and scheme by a vessel of 
war express to the Admiralty, by the return of which to An- 
tigua he should, no doubt, receive full instructions for his future 
proceedings ; and that in the mean time he should, in a very 
few days, dispatch the Launceston to attend on New England, 
and the Mermaid to New York, pursuant to his directions from 
the Rt. Hon. the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty.' 
And by the same express boat Capt. Gayton received orders 
from Com. Knowles, which have prevented him from assisting 
us with his ship in the expedition. Since this (five days ago) I 
have received two other letters from Mr. Warren, dated the 



* She was a sixty gun ship, Captain pilot, as appeared by the evidence at a 
Warwick Calmady, cast away at the Lee- court-martial, tor which he was sentenced 
ward Islands in 1744, having been run to two years' imprisonment in the Mar- 
aground through the ignorance of the shalsea. The crew were saved. EJ. 



Appendix.] GoV. S/jirky's Speech. 1 85 

9th and 15th of last month ; the first at Antigua, and the lat- 
ter from on board the Superbe, informing me 'that on the 8th 
of last month His Majesty's sloop Hind arrived at Antigua, and 
brought him orders to proceed with the Superbe, Launceston, 
and Mermaid, without loss of time, to Boston ; on his passage 
to which place he was at the writing of his last letter, in the 
latitude of 22° ; and that he hoped soon to arrive at Nantaslcet 
road, and concert such measures with me as may conduce most 
to the proteftion of the colonies and trade, and the carrying on 
of His Majesty's service in general.' Upon the receipt of 
which I dispatched a letter by a schooner sent express to meet 
him, apprising him of the departure and state of our land and 
sea forces, and recommending to him to send one of his ships 
at least forthwith before Louisbourg, to join our cruisers there, 
without coming first to Nantasket, which I apprehend to be of 
great consequence to His Majesty's service. And I am now 
in hourly expedation of hearing further of Mr. Warren, and 
the ships under his command, and hope they may come in time 
to secure success to the present expedition, which, according to 
the ordinary course of human events, may be looked on as most 
probable, if these ships shall arrive seasonably before Louisbourg. 
"Gentlemen: As I am persuaded it must be a satisfadlion to 
you to be informed of these several steps hitherto taken for con- 
dudling this important enterprise, with the success of them, I 
have been induced to be the more particular in my account of 
the success of my endeavors for procuring a sufBcient naval 
force for the service of it. And I may assure you that no 
vigilance or attention has or shall be wanting in me to make the 
other necessary dispositions for the support of it with all possible 
dispatch, and to make the event of it answer the great ends 
proposed by it for His Majesty's service, and the general inter- 
Y 



1 86 Gov. Shirlef S Speech. [Appendix. 

ests of his British dominions, as well as the particular interests 
of New England, and the other British colonies on this con- 
tinent, and to provide a safe retreat for our forces on any 
extraordinary emergency that may require it. In the meantime 
it must afford you the highest satisfa£tion to observe the par- 
ticular regard which His Majesty's ministers have shown for the 
protection of these colonies by their beforementioned orders to 
Commodore Warren, and the warm assurances I received from 
His Majesty's governors in the colonies of New York, the 
Jersies, and Pennsylvania, of their most hearty endeavors to 
engage the colonies under their respedtive governments in the 
support of the common cause upon this occasion, have given 
me great encouragement to proceed in the expedition, towards 
securing the success whereof I immediately received from Gov. 
Clinton, upon my request to him for that purpose, a considera- 
ble train of artillery, without which we could not have had the 
same prospedt of reducing the island as we now have. 







Su^^ >r 




APPENDIX B. 

(Page 69.) 

[ROBABLY no publication so well lays open the 
state of public feeling, and the a£tual state of the 
country, at and prior to the Cape Breton expedi- 
tion, than is exhibited in the Sermon of Rev. 
Thomas Prince, preached in the Old South Meetinghouse in 
Boston, on a Thanksgiving, appointed for that occasion, just 
one month and one day after the surrender of Louisbourg. 
That performance is thus entitled : " Extraordinary Events the 
Doings of God, and marvellous in Pious Eyes. — Illustrated in a 
SERMON on the General Thanksgiving, Thursday, July 
18, 1745. Occasioned by talcing the City of Louisbourg on the 
Isle of Cape Breton., by New England Soldiers, assisted by a 
British Squadron. Psal. xcviii. O sing unto the Lord a new 
Song, [etc.] BOSTON: Printed for D. Henchman in 
Cornhill. 1745." 

The Dedication follows entire:* "To His Excellency 
William Shirley, Esq^; Captain General and Governour in 
Chief in and over His Majesty's Province of the Massachu- 
setts Bay in New England., and Vice Admiral of the same : 
Your Excellency being, under the Divine Condudt, the principal 
Former and Promoter of the prosperous Expedition to Cape Bre- 
ton ; of such vast Importance to the Trade, Wealth, and Power 
of Great Britain, as well as Safety of Her American Colonies ; 
and so much to the Glory wherewith GOD has crowned His 

* Capitalized and italicised according to the original. 



1 8 8 Taking of Loidsbourg. [Appendix. 

Majesty's happy Reign : The following Sermon is, in Grati- 
tude and Justice, with all Submission, Dedicated by your 
Excellency's Most obliged. Obedient Humble Servant, 

" Thomas Prince." 

After a philosophical introdudion, in which the author hints 
at the influences of good angels and bad angels on the adlions 
of men, and gives Satan a recognition in the management of 
affairs, he proceeds : " But we must hasten on to Apply these 
things, in pursuance of our first design, to the great and extra- 
ordinary occasion of this happy Solemnity : A surprising course 
of Providence has led us into a most adventurous enterprise 
against the French settlements at Cape Breton, and their exceed- 
ing strong city of Louisbourg, for warlike power the pride and 
terror of these northean seas ; and by a wonderous series and 
happy coincidences of various means, delivered them into our 
hands. And this in a most signal manner, is the Lord's doings 
in the present day ; and is truly marvellous in every pious, yea, 
I may say, in every unprejudiced and considerate eye. 

"The island belonged originally to the British empire: * was 
at first comprised in the general name and grand patent of New 
England in 1620 ; but in the following year set oft" and included 
in Nova Scotia by a separate patent ; and since, in Nova Scotia 
comprehended in the royal charter of the Massachusetts pro- 
vince in 1691. It abounds in the best of pit coal known in 

* Assuming that the English first dis- See also Lahontan Nouveaux f^oyagcs, II, 

covered it, which the French never ad- 7, who says: " II y a plus d'un siccle 

mitted. "On [the English] pretend et dcmi que le Canada a cte decouverte ; 

que les Cabots rcconnurent I'lsle de Terre Jean Verasan sut le premier qui le di-cou- 

Neuve .... cependant de bons auteurs vrit, mais a son malheur, car les sauvages 

assure qu'ils n'avoient debarquc en aucun le mangerent." Edition la Hayc, 1705, 

endroit," el cet. Charlevoix, II, ix. Ed. page 7, vol. II. Editor. 



Appendix.] Taking of Louisbourg. ' 1 89 

America ; and so near the surface of the earth and coast of the 
sea, as to be very easily dug and put in vessels. Yea, from 
1703, Lahontan had told us* of the French ships loading with 
and carrying the same to Guadaloupe and Martinico, for the 
refining of sugars, to their great advantage. And its commo- 
dious harbors ; with its happy situation in the center of our 
fishery, at the entrance of the bay and river of Canada, and in 
the wake of all the trade from Europe to the British colonies 
on the main land, of [North] America, and both from them 
and our West India Islands to Europe, rendered the place of 
such vast importance." t 

It will be very difficult for the casual reader of the present 
day to have even a slight appreciation of the situation in which 
our fathers saw themselves at the period of this French war. 
The resources of their immediate country had scarcely begun 
to be known ; coal had not been discovered, and although the 
abundance of wood rendered it almost useless, yet they doubt- 
less looked forward to a time when coal would be of conse- 
quence, as it had long been in England and other parts of 
Europe. To look upon Nova Scotia as a central position to the 
country in our time would excite a smile. Hut at that period 
the country to the westward of Boston was mostly a wilderness. 

* Tiiis reference to Lahontan is not to the British trade, wealtli, and power, 

very intelligible. The author probably and as one of the most fatal a(fts of that 

meant it/ore 1703, instead of /row 1703. unhappy ministry." Prime. Up to this 

Editor, period much had been written on ** The 

j- " I remember while in England, Importance of Cape Breton : '* that the 

when we came to know the Tory Minis- French annually employed 1,000 vessels 

try had by the treaty of Utrecht in 1 71 3, in the fishery, of 200 to 400 tons, and 

resigned it to the French, all true-hearted io,ooo men j curing 5,000,000 quintals 

Britons who knew the circumstance of of fish. In 1730 they carried to Mar- 

thc island, most grievously lamented the seilles alone, 2,200,000 quintals. Amer, 

resignation, as full of teeming mischief Magazine, II, 216. EJ. 



1 90 Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. 

New York was of small account, and places further westward 
amounted to very little, and were almost entirely confined to 
the mouths of rivers upon the sea coast. The West, the 
Great West was practically unknown. 

" The French well knowing the vast advantage of their 
acquisition, have built a walled city on the most convenient port 
both for trade and fortification ; for these thirty years been 
adding to its natural and artificial strength ; and by immense 
sums and the utmost art and dilligence, made it one of the 
strongest fortresses in America, if not in Europe ; such as was 
not like to be taken without a very powerful, skillful and reso- 
lute army both by sea and land, or being starved to a surrender. 
In short, it was the Dunkirk of North America, and in some 
respedts of greater importance. 

" For, by means of this island and fortification, the French 
have every year enlarged their fishery, and thereby their trade, 
wealth and shipping ; and by fishing cheaper than we, they have 
more and more commanded the trade of Spain, Portugal, and 
Italy ; drawn away their gold and silver, and greatly diminished 
our trade and fishery, a principal source both of the British 
wealth and naval power. 

" So pernicious a settlement was this, that for above these 
twenty years, it has seemed to me, it were worth the while to 
engage in a war with France, if it were for nothing else but to 
recover this most important island to the British empire.* 

'^ This was a rather hard philosophy, divinity, but justice is quite another 

in view of its source. It is the same as thing." If <^ueen Anne's ministers 

though a man, having sold an article at made a foolish bargain, it is a sorry argu- 

too low a price, should knock down the ment to base a murderous war upon. It 

purchaser, take the commodity sold and is the argument made use of by small 

make off with it ! As old Thomas Ful- boys about their playthings. It certainly 

ler would say, '* This might do in sea comes with bad grace from our author. Ed. 



Appendix.] Taking of Loutsbourg. 1 9 1 

Though a war was dreadful, the necessity and hazard seemed 
every year to increase ; the longer it was deferred, the more 
powerful and dangerous they grew, and the less our hope of 
their being ever reduced, 

" At length, without our seeking, and in the most critical 
time, the Lord was pleased to leave them to precipitate a war 
upon us. An unexpedled season opens to make the dangerous 
trial, if the Almighty would please to prosper us. And now 
all the northern colonies, and ours especially, began to feel their 
destructive power and influence. In a ievi months' time infest- 
ing our coasts, taking our shipping, ruining our fishery and trade, 
destroying Canso, invading Annapolis, reducing us to straits, 
and carrying our people into a place almost impregnable. 
[Louisbourg ] And as it was a source of privateers and men 
of war distressing to us, it was also a safe resort both of their 
West and East India fleets, to their great advantage in return- 
ing homeward. Of such vast importance was this strong port 
of our enemies ; and this possessed by one of the most enter- 
prising, powerful, and active nations. 

" But in the wisdom of God, the stronger it grew, the better 
in the issue for us. The French having built a regular city, 
and laid out immensely more to render it both strong and com- 
modious, than we should, if the place had been in our power. 
Yea, it seems most likely, that if they had not possessed it, 
there would neither have been a battery, nor even a house in 
the port to this day ; * no more than in many fine harbors of 



* Had the author written this at a been anything but the residence of a few 

much later period, he could not have fishermen with some farms of little im- 

made a truer predidlion. After it fell portance. See Parsons's Life of Pep' 

into the hands of the English in 1758, perrcll, 332, 333. See also Halliburton's 

it was demolished, and has never since Hist. No'va Scotioy II, 214-218. Ed. 



192 Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. 

Nova Scotia ; which though so near the fishery, have been 
neglecSted by us for so many years, from the peace of Utrecht. 
But now, in a few weeks' time, the sovereign God has pleased 
to give us the fruits of these thirty years' prodigious art, labor, 
and expense of our enemies ; and this by means of so small a 
number, less than four thousand land men, unused to war, 
undisciplined, and that had never seen a siege in their lives. 

" Let us therefore look into the wondrous scenes of provi- 
dence, and see some of the various and surprising steps which 
led to the happy acquisition: i. Our enemies, being left of 
God, in opposition to all rules of policy, but in too early con- 
fidence of their sufficient growth of power, while engaged with 
the queen of Hungary, to hurry into a war with us ; while their 
trading ships were mostly abroad, their navy not so well pre- 
pared, and ours by the previous war with Spain, equipped and 
ready to employ its power for our defense and their annoyance ; 
it seems in as happy a jundture as we could wish for ; without 
which we should not have had the advantage or opportunity 
which they have opened to us. 

" 2. The people of Cape Breton early and suddenly seizing 
Canso, invading Annapolis, and M. De Vivier going to France 
for additional forces by sea and land, to renew the assault in the 
spring of the year ; were improved by God as a means of rous- 
ing us up with the sense of danger, and of exciting our Go- 
vernor to implore the King for some naval help ; without 
which it seems that commodore Warren with his three ships of 
war had not been ordered from our West India Islands to New 
England; though then, I suppose, without any special view to 
this important enterprise. 

"3. By the Cape Bretoners taking and carrying so many of 
our people into their harbor and city, they were obliged to return 



Appendix.] 'Taking of Loutsbourg. 193 

them to us ; whereby we came to be more acquainted with their 
situation and the proper places of landing and attacking. And 
at the same time it is in the issue happy they were not fully 
aware of the prodigious strength of the fortifications, or of the 
great number of men within and near them, or we never had 
presumed on such an enterprise. Yea, it is happy that some 
few, who better knowing the place, gave the more exadt 
accounts and spake discouraging ; yet we were so set on sending, 
they were not regarded. 

"4. God was pleased to give last summer a great plenty of 
provision to our northern colonies, whereby we were this spring 
prepared to supply so great an armament, and at the same time 
cut short the crops in Canada and the French West India 
Islands ; whereby it was apprehended that those at Cape Breton 
were considerably straitened, and that both the Canada French 
and Indians were hindered the last year from troubling our 
inland borders. 

"5. By our account of the uneasiness of the Switzers there, 
for want of pay and provision; and the call and wants of their 
East and West India fleet in the Fall of the year, and their sup- 
plies with men and victuals, if not ammunition, it was repre- 
sented the remaining French were further weakened ; and we 
were the more encouraged. And it was further remarkable, 
that their store ships from France in the Fall came so late on 
their coast, and the winter there set in so early and fierce, as to 
keep them out of their harbor and drive them off to Martineco. 

" 6. From the sanguine representations made by our returned 
captives, of the easiness of cur taking the place by an early 
surprisal before any help could come, either from France or 
Canada, God was pleased to lead our Governor, vigilant and 
active for our safety and welfare, into the projedt ; and early 
Z 



194 'Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. 

forming the scheme, in the most timely season, in the midst of 
Winter, when our intercourse abroad was sealed up, to move 
and press it on the General Assembly ; and after, in convenient 
time, on our neighboring governments ; and with wonderous 
resolution, circumspedlion and assiduity to pursue the same. 

" 7. Though when the affair was first proposed to the 
General Court, the difficulties seemed so great, and the expense 
so sinking to this poor people, that they saw no light to venture 
without a powerful, previous help from England ; yet, upon 
further representations, that the season would likely be lost for- 
ever, &c., the affair was unexpefledly reconsidered: And the 
sovereign God so over-ruled the absence of divers worthy 
representatives, who judged it too vast an undertaking for us, 
that, it is said, the final resolution for it, on January 25, was 
just carried by one majority ; and even that and other votes had 
been lost, if the superior greatness of the expense had been 
then imagined ; it soon abundantly exceeded their expeftations. 

" When the General Court had agreed on this great enter- 
prise, it is surprising to think, with how profound a secrecy so 
many members in the center of so populous, observing, and 
inquisitive a town as this, for so many days, kept their consulta- 
tions, until the various parts of the plan were settled, com- 
mittees chosen, and all things ripe for enlisting soldiers, hiring 
vessels, buying materials and provisions: and as surprising to see 
with what a general silence all these things were done in this 
city and land ; and the army and fleet equipped and ready to 
sail, while the rest of the world had scarce any intelligence of 
our preparations. 

" 9. As soon as ever the design was known among us, it was 
a marvelous thing, that when this province had lately lost so 
many hundred men, volunteers in the sad expedition to Car- 



Appendix.] Taking of Lou'isbourg. I 95 

thagena* (not one in ten being left alive to return), their wives 
left widows and their children orphans, yet to see so many likely 
men, and I conclude the most of them owners of lands and 
houses, or heirs of the same, and many religious, in all our 
towns, readily listing even as private soldiers ; with the small 
wages of twenty-five shillings (new tenor) a month, to leave 
their gainful farms and trades, as well as parents, wives and 
children ; all as free volunteers, to serve their God, their king 
and country, in this hazardous enterprise. Yes, more to list 
than the court desired ; and that so many men of distinguished 
figure should cheerfully offer themselves — even four of his 
majesty's council ;t as also the Hon. Dt^puty Governor of 
Connedticut colony,;]; and divers others of public esteem and 
charadter. 

"10. It was wonderful also to sec that during those two 
usually stormy months of February and March, the only season 
for our preparation, God was pleased to give us such a constant 
series of moderate and fair weather, as in that time of the year 
has scarce ever been known among us. So that there was 
hardly any impediment (o our officers going about and enlisting, 
our soldiers in marching, or our vessels in fitting, or our coast- 
ers in bringing us provisions, or our committee of war,§ in their 
various preparations, until all were ready to sail. 

* That pestilential expedition was in and attained a liiyli military rank. He 

1740, under Admiral Vernon. There died at the advunted age of cij;hty-eight, 

were in the expedition, according to good May 17th, 1767. His father was Henry 

authority, 27,000 men, of whom i 5,000 W., and his mother was Martha, sister of 

were seamen. The English loss, chiefly Gov. William Pitkin. Oliver W., signer 

by sickness, was about 20,000 men! Ed. of the Declaration of Independence, was 

f Colonel Peppcrrell, Samuel Waldo, his son. Ed. 

Joseph Dwight, and Jeremiah Moulton. \ Instead of a commissary general, an 

Editor. officer appointed by the governor, a com- 

t Roger Wolcot, lis<). He was the mittce of war was chosen by the two 

second in command of the land forces, houses out of their own members. Ilutch- 

was a native of Windsor in Connedicut, irnon, II, 4.12. Ed. 



196 leaking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. 

"11. The extraordinary thought, contrivance, order, man- 
agement, and quick dispatch, not only of his Excellency, but 
also of our Council of War, seems wonderful ; that gentlemen 
unused to such affairs, should, in two months time, think of 
and get ready everything suitable for so great and various an 
armament by sea and land ; so that nothing proper seems to 
have been omitted. And I have heard some express them- 
selves with wonder to see how things would happen ; just as 
they wanted some kinds of materials or provisions, an unex- 
pedted vessel would come in and bring them. 

" 1 2. It was also wonderful, that though the small-pox, which 
has been so fatal and dreadful to us, came into this town 
[Boston] and harbor, as our troops were coming in, both by 
land and water, and continued all the time they were quarter- 
ing and anchoring here, very few of the officers and soldiers 
having had it, and we were full of anxious apprehensions ; yet, 
it neither hindered them, nor did the dangerous infeftion spread 
among them; which, in that critical juncture would, after all, 
have wholly overthrown the enterprise. 

"And now our army of three thousand land soldiers, with 
all kinds of stores being ready to sail on the 20th of March, in 
about a hundred vessels, besides five hundred soldiers more 
sent from Connecticut, and three hundred and fifty from New 
Hampshire, we had almost every gloomy prospedt to make us 
tremble: for our inland borders were now left bare of a great 
part of their strength, by listing of so many of their able men 
volunteers in the expedition. And if the enterprise succeeded, 
the heavy debt would almost sink us. But if, for our offences, 
God were carrying forth a great part of the flower of the coun- 
try to be destroyed, a most dismal scene of ruin seemed to 
follow ! They were to sail five hundred miles to the enemy's 



Appendix.] Taking of Louisbourg. 1 97 

island, in a raw and stormy time of the year. And if the feared 
infeftion had taken place and should break out among them, 
especially after their landing, what a general terror would seize 
them from the hand of God which there was no resisting, and 
in what a miserable case would they be ! * A naval power with 
stores and disciplined troops were also early expeded there from 
France to conquer Nova Scotia. And after all the labors of 
our unwearied Governor, to obtain some men of war from our 
neighboring colonies and West India Islands to come and pro- 
tea and help us, our hopeful prospers seemed to dwindle away, 
and we could do no other but that, if two sixty gun ships of 
our enemies, which were early expeded, should arrive before 
we took the place, they would soon make our fleet and army 
captives, and then what would become of this country ! 

" So they must run the most desperate hazards. The hearts 
of many of the wisest ashore now seemed to fail. Some 
repented they had voted for it, and others that they had ever 
promoted it. Some judged it best after all for every man to 
go home ; and the thoughtful among us were in great perplexity. 
But yet a wonder it was to see, that those who were venturing 
into the danger, seemed to be fullest of trust in God and 
courage. Many filled their vessels with prayers; and asking 
ours, they threw themselves into the divine protedion, in the 
name of God they set up their banners, and away they sailed. 
Pray for us, and we will fight for you, was the valiant and 
endearing language wherewith they left us. 

* In one day, March 5, the smaU-pox care of some guardian angel or genius, 

appeared in three different parts of the they escaped the infeaion. It was lately 

town. No care was taken to remove the imported in Capt. Snelling's ship, which 

levies to some of the many convenient was taken into the service of the expedi- 

islands in the bay. Miraculously, by the tion. Douglasi. Ed. 



198 'Taking of Loilisbourg. [Appendix. 

" Such were some of the remarkable steps which led to the 
dangerous enterprise. We come now to the more surprising 
ones which succeeded therein to the happy accomplishment: — 

" I. As it was very encouraging to think how many pious 
and prayerful persons were embarked in the cause, which we 
accounted the cause of God and his people ; it gave further 
ground of hope, to see such a spirit of Supplication given to 
many in this town and land on this occasion. For besides the 
solemn days of public and general prayer appointed by these 
three governments,* there were particular days observed in 
several congregations. There were also in divers towns 
religious societies, some of women as well as others of Men, 
who met every week, more privately to pray for the preserva- 
tion and success of their countrymen. And I have been well 
informed of their extraordinary fervency, faith and wrestlings, 
as so many Jacobs in this important season. Psalm cviii, 10- 
13, was usually among our petitions: As also 'That God 
would preserve, dirett and spirit our friends, and surprise and 
terrify our enemies, and in such a manner as the work and 
glory might appear to be his alone.' 

" 2. God then began in a remarkable manner to hear our 
prayers, in that when so many vessels sailed from hence and 
from New Hampshire and Conneiticut, in such a turbulent 
time of the year, through a course of five hundred miles on the 
ocean, they every one arrived at Canso, the place of Concourse, 
about fifty miles on this side Cape Breton, without the loss 
of more than one soldier and three seamen, and but fifteen sick ;t 

■^ They were New Hampshire, Massa- help in fighting Indians and Frenchmen, 

chusetts and Connefticut, probably. Editor. 

Rhode Island was hardly allowed to be a f This was the report of' Gen. Pep- 
Christian community, by many in those perrell in a letter to Governor Shirley, as 
days, yet they were glad enough of its communicated to the General Court, 



Appendix.] Taking of Louisbourg. 1 99 

and time enough to meet together and refresh themselves, and 
get into order for their descent at Louisbourg. 

"3. It was remarkable also, that God was pleased to keep 
our enemies' shore and harbor environed with ice longer than 
usual i so that none of their vessels could enter nor go forth 
for intelligence, till our twenty gun cruisers (which our Go- 
vernor sent above a fortnight before the rest of the fleet) came 
thither; and that some of their vessels coming early to them, 
both before and after the harbor was open, were happily inter- 
cepted and taken by ours ; whereby our enemies within failed 
of their supplies, and we were recruited by those without. 

"4. That by a most gracious, seasonable and wonderful Di- 
redion of God, through our Governor's solicitation* the Fall 
before, the brave and acSive Commodore Warren, a great friend 
of these plantations, is ordered by the government in England, 
to come immediately with three men of war from Antego to 
Boston; that on his voyage hither, near Cape Sables, on April 
12 he met with a fisherman, who informed him of our army's 
beino- gone to Canso the week before ; that on board the fish- 
erman there was one of the best pilots, who had got out of the 
way of our committee of war, to avoid being pressed for the 
service; that though the Commodore wanted fresh provision 

April 25. The general said he had re- in Gov. Shirley. As little was left to 
viewed the forces on Canso Hill, and chance, apparently, as in any similar ex- 
found them in good health ; that Capt. peditions, whatever writers have said to 
Donahew had taken three Indians, from the contrary. It is a very cheap kind of 
whom he had learned that the French wisdom to foresee what would have been 
and Indians had intended to make a fresh the result of an undertaking if a deluge 
attack on Annapolis, and that Mons. or an earthquake had intervened. If it 
Duvivier with two ships of war from was providential that neither of these 
France, was expeaed to join them. Ed. happened, it is equally providential that 
* It will all along be seen that nothing the internal tires of the earth were quiet 
by way of a wise precaution was wanting during the Louisbourg campaign. Ed. 



200 Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. 

and clothes for his men in so cold a climate and season, he 
wisely considered the necessitous case of our army, took the 
pilot, generously tacked about, went after them, overtook them 
at Canso, to their great joy ; and, instead of stopping, passed 
on to watch the harbor of Louisbourg, that no supply from 
Canada, Martinico or France might slip into it ; without all 
which a sixty-four gun ship with near six hundred men and full 
stores had entered, and this great affair had soon been defeated.* 

"5. That the Commodore, by the fishermen sent his order 
for the king's ship's that should be found in these parts, forth- 
with to follow him ; that the fisherman timely arriving, our 
Governor immediately sent the order to a forty gun ship at 
Piscataqua ready to convoy the mast fleet for England ; and 
though she was got to sea, yet by a boat the order reached her ; 
and sending her fleet into harbor, she bore after the Commo- 
dore and quickly joined him. So that our army before they 
sailed from Canso, had the comfort of four men of war to pro- 
ted; and help them. 

" 6. That though our fleet and army stayed near three weeks 
at Canso, within twenty leagues of Louisbourg, and within 
sight of their island, f yet the people there knew nothing of it 
till early in the morning of April 30, when they were so sur- 
prised to see us, that they had no time to get in the fresh pro- 
vision and force of the neighboring country to help them. It 
seems very wonderful, that none of the French or Indians near 
Canso should happen to see us, and give our enemies intelli- 
gence of us. And, when our fleet and army were complete 

* It is by no means certain that the Scotia from Cape Breton, is "very nar- 

arrival of this ship would have defeated rowj " and as it is of very unequal width, 

the capture. It might have retarded it. geographers do not give us even an average 

See ante, p. 72. Ed. of it. Ed. It is six leagues in length. 

f The Gut of Canso, separating Nova See Douglass, I, 346. Ed. 



Appendix.] 'Taking of Louisbourg. 20I 

and ready, the ice went ofF at once, and the winds and weather 
conspired to favor our descent on the island.* 

"7. It is also remarkable that the French had made no forti- 
fication at the place of our landing, though it is said they de- 
signed it, and were preparing for it. And though they had 
six hundred regular troops, and about fourteen hundred other 
men in the city, that yet they should make so small an oppo- 
sition at our going on shore : That God so encouraged and 
helped the few who landed first and engaged them, as to beat 
them away with the loss of eight of their men slain, several 
wounded, and ten taken captive, without the loss of one of 
ours ; that thereby he struck terror into our enemies ; And 
though our people were so eager of landing, they were ready 
to quarrel to get into the boats, and the surf ran high, yet all 
our army landed safely, without oversetting a boat or losing a 
man.f 

"8. That he moved them to improve the time, and forth- 
with march up five miles through a thickety, rocky, hilly and 
boggy country, and enclose the city ; that in the following night 
he led some of our soldiers through strange places to the store- 
houses near the Grand Battery which was strongly fortified 
with walls and ditches, and at each end a very thick bomb- 
proof tower ; that the store-houses, full of combustible matter, 
being set on fire burnt and flashed in a horrible manner, and in 



* Pious men saw the immediate hand years later. The men led by Wolfe, 

of Divine Providence in all this. Hutch- Whitmore, and Lawrence, were not less 

imon. Ed. eager to land, though in the face of forti- 

+ The forces under Admiral Bosca- fications which made terrible havoc 

wen, Sir Charles Hardy, and Gen. Am- among them ; besides the drowning of 

herst, found things vastly changed when twenty-two men by the staving of boats, 

they were sent to retake the place thirteen Editor. 

Aa 



202 Taking of Louis bourg. [Appendix. 

the night increased the enemy's terror; that the wind also 
bearing a prodigious black smoke upon them, in which expeft- 
ing our army to enter, they were every soul frighted out of it 
into the city ; and that in the morning, but thirteen of our men 
observing there was neither flag flying, nor chimney smoking, 
nor person appearing, but the gates open, ventured in and took 
possession.* 

"9. That yet the enemy aware of their fatal error, soon 
after came with forces in many shallowaes'\ to recover it ; but 
eight of the thirteen going out of the battery, and meeting 
with about eight more of our friends, ran to the water side, 
and so plied the boats with small arms, as damped and hindered 
them, till seeing more of our forces coming, the boats turned 
back to the town again. If they had come but one hour sooner, 
they had regained the battery before we found it deserted. 
And thus this strong fortress of thirty-two great cannon 
(thirty of them forty-two pounders), which might alone have 
maintained itself against all our army, the Lord delivered into 
our hands, without the loss of a man, or shot of a gun, and 
before we demanded it ; whereby He at once saved us both 
time, toil, and blood, and surprisingly gave us a great power 
over the harbor, as well as so many of the largest of the ene- 
my's cannon, with a great number of their own balls and bombs 
to improve against them. 

" 10. That our army was preserved from the dangerous 
infection ; and though being open to the air, fogs and dews, 
upon the melting of the ice, in a raw climate and season of the 
year, the camp dysentery seized many, yet some of our physi- 

* This was Col. Vaughan's exploit. f Perhaps flat bottomed boats. The 

It will be found differently reported in only instance of the occurrence of the 
ApPENDi.x D. word recoUeded. Ed, 



Appendix.] Taking of Louisbourg. 203 

cians, in their letters signified, that it looked almost miraculous 
they should so soon and generally, without means, recover.* 

"11. That they should be inspired with wondrous courage, 
eagerness, activity, and unfainting strength ; be supported under 
their extraordinary and constant toils, fatigues, and labors, in 
carrying stores, drawing cannon over hills and vallies, among 
rocks and through morasses, up to the middle in mire ; and 
digging trenches, raising batteries, firing shot and bombs almost 
incessantly, both day and night, against the city ;t and that God 
so speedily 'taught their hands to war, and their fingers to fight,' 
as presently to throw them with great exadness, and do 
continual execution among our enemies ; dismounting their 
cannon, beating down their houses, gates, walls, flankers, and 
greatly distressing them. J 

"12. That when a new sixtv-four gun ship from France, with 
near six hundred men, and great quantities of arms and stores, 

* During the siege was constant dry, J The transporting the cannon was 

favorable weather. Next day, June 18, with almost incredible labor and fatigue, 

after we had possession of the town, the for all the roads over which they were 

raining season set in, which, for want of drawn, having here and there small 

our men being clothed and well lodged, patches of rocky hills, was a deep morass, 

would have broken up the siege. Dou- in which, while the cannon, was upon 

glais. Ed. These contingencies served the wheels, they several times sunk, so as 

a good purpose then and long after. to bury not only the carriages, but the 

f Here we may observe, that by the whole body of the cannon likewise, 

herculean labor of our militia (many of Horses and oxen could not be employed 

them were used to masting and logging), in this service, but the whole was to be 

whose great achievements were most re- done by men themselves, up to the knees 

markable in quality of pioneers or laborers, in mud ; at the same time the nights, in 

they dragged these heavy cannon upon which the work was done, cold, and for 

sledges over morasses not prafticable by the most part foggy; their tents bad, there 

horses or oxen. By good providence they being no proper material to be had for 

had no occasion to show their conduit tents in New England, at the time the 

and courage in repulsing of soldiers, forces were raised. Governor Shirley's 

Douglass. Ed. Journal, page 24. Ed. 



204 Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. 

came so near the mouth of the harbor, and before a fair wind, 
that two hours more would have given her entrance, she was 
happily discovered by some of our smaller ships, who led her 
along to the larger, and soon made her strike, though after near 
two hours' close engagement, wherein she lost above thirty men, 
and ours but five.* And though by the fog in the night they 
lost her, yet in the morning they happily recovered her; to the 
growing discouragement of the besieged, and our increasing 
strength and benefit. 

" That though to show our dependence on God continually. 
He was pleased to suffer the barbarous Indians twice to surprise 
and murder some of our people ; yet in several land encounters, 
both with French and Indians, in divers parts of the island. He 
was pleased to give us the victory. 

" That by means of extraordinary quick dispatch of a 
messenger, our Governor in February sent to the King for 
naval help. God was pleased to send so many men of war, 
successively, as by the 1 2th of June, with the 64-gun prize and 
those who were there before, to amount to eleven, to the sinking 
fear of the enemy, and the rising joy of our fleet and army ; and 
also to preserve a happy harmony between our various officers. 

" That though God was pleased to humble us in defeating 
our attack in the night, on their strong Island Fort,t yet he 

* Besides the Superb, the Mermaid, He says, "About four hundred men, in 

Eltham, Massachusetts Frigate, and whaleboats so thin and light that a few 

Shirley Galley were all in the engage- musket balls were sufficient to sink them, 

ment. Gov. Shirley *s ^OKrHa/, page zS. rashly attempted the Island Battery, where 

Ed. is bad landing, against thirty guns of 

j- This was the most unfortunate part twenty-eight pound ball, served by one 

of the whole siege, and was apparently hundred and eighty men. We lost in 

very ill advised. Mr. Prince passes over this mad frolic, sixty men killed and 

it altogether too slightly. Dr. Douglass drowned, and one hundred and sixteen 

treats it more as it should be treated, taken prisoners." lb. 353. Ed. 



Appendix.] Taking of Loutsbourg. 205 

happily guided, and with surprising strength, agility and quick- 
ness, helped us to hoist up some of the heaviest cannon and 
mortars on the Light House ClifF, which overlooked that fort 
in which they trusted to hinder our entering into their harbor; 
and then assisted in casting our bombs so exaftly, as after the 
two or three first to throw in every one of the rest, and do 
such execution as quickly to beat them out of this strong hold 
they thought impregnable, and frighten the city to a quiet 
surrender.* 

" That God should move them to it in that critical moment, 
when the navy and army had just agreed on a general, desperate 
and fierce assault, both by land and water, which was like to be 
exceeding bloody and of doubtful consequence ; for upon the 
capitulation, when our forces entered the city, and came to 
view the inward state of its fortifications, they were amazed to 
see their extraordinary strength and device, and how we had 
like to have lost the limbs and lives of a multitude, if not have 
been all destroyed ; and that the city should surrender when 
there was a great body of French and Indians got on the island, 
and within a day's march to molest us. 

" That in all our close and constant assaults and skirmishes, 
some of our batteries being within pistol-shot of the city, and 
receiving such a vast number of balls and bombs almost con- 
tinually by day and by night, we should not have above twenty 
slain in our batteries, and not above a hundred in all, in so raw 
a climate and season, and under such fatigues, not loose above 
a hundred more by sickness. And of so many vessels trans- 
porting and cruising, in so many storms in March and April, 



*June 15th, when the mortar began seventeen fell within the fort, and one of 
to play from the Lighthouse battery upon them upon the magazine. — Shirley's 
the Island battery, out of nineteen shells, Journal^ p. 30. Kd. 



2o6 Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. 

loose but one,* though this a cruiser of a hundred men, supposed 
to be overset, is a grievous loss. 

" That in the time of the siege, there were many other 
surprising events in our favor, — such as timely supplies to our 
army, either by transports or prizes, as we were near to want 
them it that the very balls from our enemy's cannon were of 
no small service, being as fast almost as they fell catched up 
and put into ours, and returned with advantage ; that digging a 
trench to proteft our men, and meeting a rock in the way we 
could not remove it ; just as we left it, a bomb from the enemy 
came down in the most suitable spot, and without any harm, 
removed it for us. 

" That from the army leaving Canso, April 29th, to their 
landing, April 30th, and during all the siege, there should be 
such a continual series of fair weather, as was never known 
'n the place before at that time of the year, till their entering 
into the city, June 17th, and then the clouds to gather blackness 
and pour down rains for ten days together, which would 
have spoiled our batteries, filled our trenches, and greatly 
hindered and disabled us ! It seemed to close the scenes of 
wonder ! 

" In the mean while, it is also remarkable, that the North 
American coasts have been unmolested by both French and 

*This "one" was the snow Prince of we do not possess. Boston is only one 

Orange, of sixteen guns, Capt. Smithurst. hundred and sixty to one hundred and 

It is to be regretted that in all the ac- eighty leagues distant from Louisbourg ; 

counts of the Cape Breton expedition the passage is usually made in three or 

which I have consulted, nothing is learned four days; therefore, after landing at 

of this serious disaster, but its casual Gabarus [Chapeau rougej Bay, they 

mention. were within reach of supplies." — New 

j- " The English, by the situation of Tork Colonial Documents, x, 4. See, also, 

their colonies, have had facilities which Halliburton, Hist. No-va Scotia, I, 116. 



Appendix.] Taking of Louisbourg. 20J 

Spanish West India privateers, till this great affair was ended.* 
And that by means of Du Vivier's projed of taking Annapolis 
in the Spring or Summer, both our French and Indian enemies 
have been all this time diverted from our exposed inland 
borders ; they being drawn to Menis, and to make a trancient 
show at Annapolis. So he was guided into his mischievous 
but fruitless projeft, and to go even to France to promote our 
safety, and give us an unmolested season for the taking of 
Louisbourg." 

Respecting the combination and continuance of fortunate 
circumstances which contributed to the capture of Cape Breton, 
a judicious writer has remarked : " But these circumstances 
did not lessen the merit of the man who planned, nor of the 
people who efFeded the conquest ; which exhibited a high 
spirit of enterprise, and a generous participation in the war of 
the mother country. "f 

It was customary at this period, as well as in the earlier 
periods of the history of New England, to make a providential 
interposition answerable for whatever fortune befel the country, 
either good or bad. Hence our amiable author (Prince) has 
laboriously made it appear, that, in the Louisbourg expedition, 
more than in all others, the hand of Providence was especially 
on the side of the English ; that this was a proof that a Papal 
empire in North America was not to be tolerated by that 
Providence. That the men who undertook this enterprise 
against the French, deserved any better success, than those who 

* But they had previously annoyed the and bid him take it to the English King, 

English commerce exceedingly j treating and tell him, that they would serve him 

the seamen in the most barbarous man- so, if they had him in their power." — 

ner. "Captain Jenkins, master of a Biggs's MrV/wry History, page i. 
Scotch vessel, being rumaged by the f Halliburton, History of Noiia Scotia, 

Spaniards, they tore part of his ear off, I, 120-1. 



2o8 Taking of Louis hour g. [Appendix. 

had before gone on similar attempts under Sir William Phips, 
Sir Hovenden Walker, and others, is hidden from the scrutiny 
of the historian. 

Had the expedition against Louisbourg been undertaken with- 
out orders from Great Britain, as its enemies said, its failure would 
have been the ruin of the country, as no relief could be expected 
from the crown. This argument was made use of to prove 
that it was a visionary undertaking. But it was not undertaken 
without the authority of the British government, as has already 
been shown. War existed between the two crowns, and the 
Governors of the respeftive colonies were ordered to annoy the 
enemy to the utmost of their ability. Hence the undertaking 
was in striil compliance with the commands of the government. 




APPENDIX C. 

Page 72. 

HE fortunate interception and capture of the French 
ship Vigilant, of sixty-four guns, Captain De la 
Maison Forte, are but incidently mentioned in the 
published accounts. The capture was of too great 
importance not to have a very prominent place in the history 
of this war. It follows here, detailed by Captain Tyng, one 
who bore a considerable part in the fight, in a letter dated May 
23d, 1745, probably on board his ship, the Massachusetts 
Frigate. 

" My last was the 4th of April from Canso ; since which I 
have been at sea, and had no opportunity nor anything material 
to write about till now. 

"I now congratulate you on the good news of our taking a 
French man of war of sixty-four guns and five hundred men, 
about three days ago. (She is quite new.) 

" The manner of taking her was thus : The Commodore 
[Warren, in the Superbe of sixty guns], the Eltham [of forty 
guns, Capt. Durell], and the Launceston [of forty guns, Capt. 
Calmady*] lay off Louisbourg harbor. Mr. Warren had sent 
the Mermaid [Capt. Douglas, of forty guns] to cruise further 
to windward. About one in the afternoon, we saw the Mer- 
maid and the French ship engaged. They were standing right 
for us, till the Frenchman discovered us to be English. We 

* The same, doubtless, who lost his Islands, as already mentioned. He con- 
ship the year before at the Leeward tinued in the service till 1757. 

Bb 



2IO Capture of the Vigilant. [Appendix. 

all gave chase, but Rouse, in the Shirley Galley, being ahead, 
got up with him first, and gave him several broadsides into his 
stern. Capt. Durell was the next that gave him a broadside. 
It being very foggy, and night coming on, we steered by the 
report and flash of the guns. When the brave Commodore 
got alongside of him, yard arm and yard arm, they fired so 
briskly, with great guns and small arms, that tore his rigging 
and sails all to pieces. His intention was to board the French- 
man and mine the Commodore, and to run our men over him, 
but we could not get up in time ; our ship sailing much worse 
than before we lost our head and bowsprit. 

"The Commodore fired one broadside into him after they 
had struck ; he not knowing they had cried for quarters. He 
shot by him and lost sight of him in the fog. The Eltham 
and our ship soon after took him in the night for the Commo- 
dore, till the Eltham fired, and we upon his bow had an oppor- 
tunity of firing at him again ; the Eltham's guns firing over us, 
and ours over him, in such manner we were forced to leave ofF 
firing. We all lost sight of him in a minute, except the Mer- 
maid, who presently got sight of him again, and sent his boat 
on board, took the Captain out, and left only four men on 
board, and thought we had lost her. We lay by the Commo- 
dore all night. In the morning it cleared up a little, so that 
we saw the French ship lie like a wreck, with Capt. Douglas 
at a little distance from him (who had lost him in the night). 
We sent all our boats and some men on board, and took the 
prisoners out, and hope you will have them and about one 
hundred more in Boston shortly. 



Appendix.] Capture of the Vigilant. 21 1 

" The Frenchman had about thirty-five killed and twenty- 
six wounded, and on our side not above six ; one aboard [me], 
three in the Mermaid, and two in the Eltham ; and most of 

these by our own guns.* 

" Edward Tyng." 

Upon the capture of this ship (the Vigilant) Doctor Douglass 
took occasion to make a display of his superior knowledge of 
naval and other warlike affairs. The following is extrafted, 
not for the value of his opinions, but for some facts then 
familiarly known, yet not recorded by others. He had the 
acquaintance of the French commander while that officer was 
a prisoner at Boston, and learned from him several particulars 
of much interest. He says of the commander : " M. le 
Marquis de la Maison Forte was son-in-law to M. Chiconeou, 
first physician to the French king. This gentleman was too 
rash in firing ; as he met with British men of war, he should 
have made the best of his way to port, and only have put his 
men in a posture to prevent boarding, without firing, which 
stops the ship's way, and have received the fire of our ships 
silently. Notwithstanding of this misconduct, the Marquis 
was a man of good sense and observation, he made this good 
remark ; that the French officers of Louisbourg, in bad policy, 
hindered the English from viewing at all times the strength of 
their forts ; because if the English had been well informed of 
its strength, the most sanguine, rash, wrong-headed person, if 
not a natural fool, could not have imagined such a reduftion 
without regular troops, and without artillery." Hence the 
inference from this historian's assertion is, that Gen. Pepperrell, 

*Had the Rev. Mr. Alden seen this the captain, that he captured the Vigilant, 
letter of Captain Tyng, he would not See Amcka,, Epitaphs, I, 54. Captain 
probably have stated, in his memoir of Tyng certainly does not make such claim. 



212 A Criticism. [Appendix. 

Gen. Waldo, Gov. Shirley, and all the officers engaged in the 
expedition, however experienced in fighting the Indians and 
French from year to year, and all the prisoners that had been 
captives at Louisbourg, and had reported upon its fortifications 
and condition, were " wrong-headed persons if not natural 
fools ! " It is now left for the future reader to judge where 
the defeft of wrongheadedness was prominent among the crani- 
ums of that day ; while it may be conceded that the French 
commander committed a mistake in attempting to fight the 
English ships, instead of making all sail for the port without 
losing any time ; but Mons. Maison Forte was fairly surprised, 
having no knowledge of the large force of ships on the lookout 
for him. In the 'Journal of the Siege of Louisbourg, is this con- 
cise paragraph : " May 21. A letter came to the General from 
the Commodore, acquainting him he had taken the Vigilant, a 
French ship of sixty-four guns ; besides the Superb, the Mer- 
maid, Eltham, Massachusetts frigate, and Shirley Galley, were 
all in the engagement, and at the taking of her. Three days 
after the taking of the Vigilant, Capt. [Richard] Edwards, in 
the Princess Mary of sixty guns, joined the Commodore ; and 
the next day Capt. [Frederick] Cornwall, in the He£tor of 
forty guns." 







APPENDIX D. 

Page 8 1. 

LETTER from William Shirley, Esq., Governor 
of Massachusetts Bay, to his Grace the Duke of 
Newcastle, with a journal of the siege of Louis- 
bourg, and other operations of the forces, during 
the expedition against the French settlements on Cape Breton; 
drawn up at the desire of the Council and House of Repre- 
sentatives of the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; approved 
and attested by Sir William Pepperell, and the other principal 
officers who commanded in the said expedition. Published by 
authority. London : Printed by E. Owen in Warwick Lane, 
1746." 

Such is the full title of Governor Shirley's authentic narrative 
of the expedition against Louisbourg. It is an admirably well 
written document, and would be copied in this appendix had 
not all, or nearly all its facts been already given in our preceding 
pages ; and it not being our obje£t to go more into this part of 
the history ; a few extradts, however, to show with what 
admirable clearness the Governor has narrated the fails here 
follow : 

In his " Letter to the Duke of Newcastle," dated Odlober 
28th, 1745, he says: "The Council and House of Represent- 
atives of the Province, under my government, having taken 
occasion, in a late address to me, to desire, that upon my arrival 
here, ' I would give orders, that a full account of the proceed- 
ings of the New England forces raised under my commission, 
for the reduction of Cape Breton, during the late siege of this 



214 Shirley on Capture of Louisbourg. [Appendix. 

place, to the time of its surrender, should be transmitted in the 
most efFeftual manner, and as soon as possible to his Majesty.'* 
The sum of this account is, that the New England troops 
having sailed from Canso the 29th of April, till which time they 
were detained there by the unusual quantity of ice in Chappeau- 
Rouge-Bay, came to an anchor the next morning, between 
nine and ten, in the bay, at the distance of about two miles 
from Flat-Point Cove, where being discovered by the enemy, 
a party of about one hundred and fifty men were detached from 
Louisbourg, under the command of Captain Morepang and M. 
Boularderie, to oppose their landing ; that General Pepperell 
having made a feint to land a party in boats at the Cove, in 
order to draw the enemy thither, did, by a signal from the 
vessels, cause those boats suddenly to row back, and join 
another party of boats under his stern, out of which were 
landed, at two miles distance from the Cove, about one hundred 
of our men, before the enemy could come round to oppose 
them, who, notwithstanding the enemy had the advantage of 
being covered by their woods, attacked them so briskly, that 
they killed six of them upon the spot, took as many prisoners 
(among whom was M. Boularderie), wounded several more, 
and, after exchanging some shot, put the rest to flight (some of 
whom were taken prisoners the next day), with the damage 
sustained on our side, of only two men's being slightly wounded. 
That two thousand of the troops were landed the same day, 
and the remainder, being near two thousand more, the day 

* It was early seen by people of dis- letter of Governor Shirley was to coun- 

cernment,. in New England, that the teracft the effeft of any claims which 

English naval officers would, or might, might be made, not warranted by the 

through a selfish jealousy, attempt to rob genuine fafts taken on the spot at the 

the army of its hard and well earned time, and amply vouched for by all the 

honors in the expedition. This narrative chief aiftors therein. — Ed. 



Appendix.] Shirley OH Capture of Louisbourg. 215 

following. That on the next day, a detachment of four 
hundred of our men* marched round to the North-East Har- 
bor, behind the range of hills there, where they burnt all the 
enemy's houses and stores in that neighborhood, at the distance 
of about a mile from the Grand Battery, whereby such a 
terror was struck into them, that the same night they deserted 
that battery, leaving the artillery, consisting of twenty-eight 
cannon of forty-two pound shot, and two of eighteen pound, 
and the ordnance stores belonging to it (except the powder 
which they threw into a well), so precipitately that they only 
spiked up their cannon in a slight manner, without knocking off 
any of their trunions, or doing other damage to them, and but 
very little to the carriages. That the next morning, being the 
third of May, a party of about fifteen or sixteen of our men 
discovered that the enemy had abandoned the Grand Battery, 
and drove off a party of them which attempted to reland there 
that morning, in boats, notwithstanding they stood on the open 
beach, exposed to the fire of the enemy's cannon from the 
town, and their musquetry from the boats.f That notwith- 
standing an incessant fire from the enemy's cannon and mortars 
in the town, at the distance of five thousand nine hundred and 

* They marched under cover of night, of Vaughan's party, Vaughan himself at 

and were led by Lieutenant-Colonel the head of them. The enemy were 

William Vaughan. The buildings which coming to attempt to retake the Grand 

his party set on fire produced a dense Battery ; " but Vaughan, with his small 

smoke, which the wind carried direiftly party, on the naked beach, and in the 

into the Grand Battery. This was the face of a smart fire from the city and the 

cause of its being abandoned by the boats, kept them from landing, till the 

enemy. See Belknap's History Nciv reinforcement arrived. In every duty of 

Hampshire (Farmer's edition), p. 274. fatigue or sanguine adventure, he was 

The four hundred, or all except thirteen always ready ; and the New Hampshire 

under Vaughan, appear to have retreated troops, animated by the same enthusiastic 

after setting fire to the storehouses. ardor, partook of all the labors and dan- 

f These "fifteen or sixteen men "were gers of the siege." — Belknap. 



2 1 6 Shirley on Capture of Louisbourg. [Appendix. 

thirteen feet from it, and from the Island Battery, at the distance 
of four thousand eight hundred feet, our troops, by the next 
day cleared three of the cannon in the Grand Battery, which 
pointed against the town, and returned their fire upon the 
enemy there, and also from other of the guns, which pointed 
against the Island Battery, and were by degrees unspiked in a 
i^'ff days.* That our troops, within the compass of twenty- 
three days from the time of their first landing, erefted five 
facine batteries against the town, consisting of cannon, some 
forty-two pound shot, and others of twenty-two, and others of 
nine pound. Mortars of thirteen, eleven, and nine inches 
diameter, with some cohorns ; all which were transported by 
hand. But notwithstanding these difficulties, and many of the 
people being barefooted and almost without clothes, by means 
of this service, in which they had worn them out, and their 
being taken down with fluxes, so that at one time there were 
fifteen hundred men incapable of duty, occasioned by their 
fatigue, they went on cheerfully without being discouraged, or 
murmuring, and, by the help of sledges, transported the cannon 
and mortars over these ways, which the French had always 
thought impassable for such heavy weights, and was indeed 

*Some singular incidents, which the never dranlc ardent spirits), he hired one 

general plan of the Governor's narrative of his party, a Cape Cod Indian, to crawl 

did not admit of his going into, are not in at an embrasure, and open the gate, 

to be overlooked : a few are here given : He then wrote to the General, *May it 

** The next morning [after the enemy please your honor, to be informed, that 

had been smoked out of the Grand Bat- by the grace of God, and the courage of 

tery], as Vaughan was returning with thirteen men, I entered the Royal Battery, 

thirteen men only, he crept up the hill about 9 o'clock, and am waiting for a rein- 

which overlooked the Battery, and forcement and a flag.' Before either could 

observed, that the chimneys of the bar- arrive, one of the men climbed up the 

racks were without smoke, and the staff staff, with a red coat in his teeth, which 

without a flag, with a bottle of brandy, he fastened by a nail to the top." Vaughn 

which he had in his pocket (though he was a volunteer without command. 



Appendix. ] Siege and Capture of Louisbourg. 217 

impracticable by any people of less resolution and perseverance, 
or less experience in removing heavy bodies ; and besides this, 
they had all their provisions and heavy ammunition, which they 
daily made use of, to bring from the camp over the same way 
upon their backs. 

"To annoy our people in making their approaches, and carry- 
ing on their batteries, the enemy ereded new works, where 
they mounted some cannon, from whence, as well as from the 
cannon of other batteries, and from their mortars, they continu- 
ally maintained a strong fire, till their cannon was silenced by 
being dismounted, or having their men beat off by our cannon. 

"The most advanced of our five batteries, which was finished 
on the 17th of May, was within a distance of two hundred and 
fifty yards from the west gate of the town ; so that from this 
battery several of the enemy were killed by our musquetry, as 
were some of our men by the enemy's from the walls ; and 
indeed this battery was so near the enemy's works, that our 
men were obliged to load the cannon there under the fire of 
their musquetry, which was very sharp on both sides, the enemy 
generally opening the a£tion every morning with the fire of 
their small arms upon this battery, for two hours, which was 
constantly returned with advantage on our side. The execution 
done from these, and the Grand Battery, was very considerable. 
The west gate was entirely beat down, the wall adjoining very 
much battered, and a breach made in it at about ten feet from 
the bottom of the wall. The Circular Battery of sixteen 
cannon, twenty-four pounders, near the west gate (and the 
principal one against ships next to the Grand Battery and Island 
Battery), was almost entirely ruined, and all the cannon but 
three, dismounted. Their north-east battery, consisting of two 
lines of forty-two and thirty-two pounders, in all seventeen 
Cc 



2 1 8 Siege and Capture of Louisbourg. [Appendix! 

cannon, another principal battery against ships, was damaged, 
and the men beat off from their guns. The west flank of the 
King's Bastion belonging to the citadel, and the battery there of 
six twenty-four pounders, which pointed to the land side, and 
greatly annoyed our works, was almost demolished. Two 
cavaliers of two twenty-four pounders, each raised during the 
siege, and two other cannon of the same weight of metal, run 
out at two embrazures, cut through the parapet near the west 
gate at the same time (all pointing against our batteries), were 
damaged and silenced. The citadel was very much damaged ; 
several houses in the city entirely demolished, and almost every 
one more or less hurt ; and Maurepas Gate, at the easternmost 
part of the city, shattered. And as cross fires from the cannon 
and mortars, and even from our musquetry, ranged through 
the houses and streets in every part of the city, and through 
the enemy's parades, whereby many were killed, it drove the 
inhabitants out of their houses into casemates, and other covered 
holds, where they were obliged to take refuge for several weeks ; 
and besides this, the fire from the Grand Battery damaged also 
the barracks of the Island Battery. 

" During this time, our parties of scouts so thoroughly ranged 
the woods, that they seldom returned without bringing in some 
prisoners,* which very much confined the enemy within their 
walls, who were constantly worsted in all skirmishes, and 
repulsed in every sally which they made, and frequently by an 
inferior number of our men, and with very little loss, upon 
these occasions, sustained on our side, the chief of which was 
a party of eighteen of our men straggling contrary to orders, 

* There were some of our men sur- going on shore unarmed, as will presently 
prised by the Indians in their straggling be seen, though the exadl date is not 
in the neighboring woods, and some by learned. Ed. 



Appendix.] Siege and Capture of Louisbourg. 219 

being surprised and cut off by a large number of Indians, and 
another of nine, coming on shore out of one of the cruisers to 
water, without their arms, being likewise surprised and cut off 
by some Indians.* That on the 26th of May, after some 
ineffedtual preparations for making an attack upon the enemy's 
Island Battery, which is a strong fort built on a rocky island, at 
the entrance into the harbor, mounted with thirty cannon of 
twenty-eight pound shot, and having several swivel guns upon 
its breast works, and two brass ten inch mortars, and one 
hundred and eighty men, it was at night attempted by a party 
of four hundred men in boats ; but from the strength of the 
place, and the advantage which the enemy had by being under 
cover, and our men exposed in open boats, the surf running 
high, our men not being thoroughly acquainted with the best 
place for landing, 3nd the enemy besides (as is most probable), 
being apprised of their design, they were repulsed with the loss 
of having about sixty killed and drowned, and one hundred and 
sixteen taken prisoners ; yet under these disadvantages, several 
of them advanced within the enemy's battery, and maintained 
a fight with them for some time before they surrendered, and 
killed some of them. That it being judged of the utmost con- 
sequence to make ourselves masters of the Island Battery, as 
it was thought extremely dangerous for his Majesty's ships to 
have entered the harbor till the enemy could be annoyed in that 
battery ; and it being after the last attempt thought impracticable 
to reduce it bv boats, it was determined to ere6t a battery near 
the Light-House opposite to it, at three thousand four hundred 
feet distance from it; and the same was, by the nth of 
June, notwithstanding the almost insuperable difficulties, which 

* These two serious disasters are omit- War," published two years later. The 
ted in our author's ''Memoirs oi the particulars should have been given. Ed^ 



220 Siege and Capture of Louis hour g. [Appendix. 

attended the drawing of the cannon up a steep bank and rock, 
raised in such manner, as not to be exposed to more than four 
of the enemy's cannon, and at the same time to flank a line of 
above twenty of their guns ; and two eighteen pounders were 
on that day mounted, and began to play, and by the 14th of 
June, four more cannon of eighteen pound shot were added, 
and on the 15th, a mortar of thirteen inches diameter was 
removed thither, out of which nineteen bombs were thrown, 
seventeen whereof fell within the Island Battery, and one of 
them upon the magazine ; and this, together with the fire from 
our cannon, to which the enemy was very much exposed, they 
having but little to shelter them from the shot, which ranged 
quite through their line of barracks, so terrified them, that 
many of them left the fort, and ran into the water for refuge. 
And now the Grand Battery being in our possession, the Island 
Battery (esteemed by the French the Palladium of Louisbourg), 
so much annoyed from the Light-House Battery, that they 
could not entertain hopes of keeping it much longer ; the 
enemy's North-East Battery being damaged, and so much 
exposed to the fire from our advanced batteries, that they could 
not stand to their guns ; the Circular Battery ruined, and all its 
guns but three dismounted, whereby the harbor was disarmed 
of all its principal batteries ; the west gate of the city being 
demolished, and a breach made in the adjoining wall ; the west 
flank of the King's Bastion almost ruined ; and most of their 
other guns, which had been mounted during the time of the 
siege, being silenced ; all the houses and other buildings within 
the city (some of which were quite demolished) so damaged, 
that but one among them was left unhurt ; the enemy extremely 
harassed by their long confinement within their casemates, and 
other covered holds, and their stock of ammunition being almost 



Appendix.] Siege and Capture of Louisbourg. ii\ 

exhausted, Mr. Duchambon sent out a flag of truce to the 
camp on the 15th day of June, in the afternoon, desiring time 
to consider of articles of capitulation, which was accordingly 
granted them till next morning, when they sent articles in, 
which were rejedled by the General and Commodore, and others 
proposed by them in their stead, and accepted by the enemy. 
And hostages being exchanged on the same day for the per- 
formance of the articles, on the 1 7th of June the city was 
surrendered to Mr. Warren and General Pepperell, and the 
garrison, consisting of about six hundred and fifty regular troops, 
and the inhabitants of the city, being about thirteen hundred 
and sixty efFeftive men, besides women and children, made pris- 
oners by capitulation, with the loss on our side of no more than 
one hundred and one men killed by the enemy, and all other 
accidents from the time of their landing to the reduction of the 
place, and about thirty who died of sickness.* 

"I omit mentioning the breaking up of the settlements at 
St. Peters, and eight other fishing settlements upon this island ; 
and the burning of several houses at St. John's Island within 
the time of the siege, by companies put on board of some of 
our cruisers." 

On the 1 2th of September, M. De Beauharnois and M. 
Hocquart wrote to Count Maurepas: t "You will have been 
informed, long before this reaches you, of our loss of Louis- 
bourg. The officers of the garrison, and particularly those 

* M. Duchambon wrote to the Count have been reduced to eleven hundred." — - 

D'Argenson, August 13th [N. S.] 1745, N. Y. Col. Docs., X, 3. It would be 

from Belle Isle Road : " The enemy was interesting to know how Mr. Duchambon 

greatly superior in number to us, having made out his thirteen thousand men for 

about thirteen thousand sea and land the English. Dr. Douglass's charge of 

forces, and I had at the commencement poltroonary may not have been very wide 

of the siege, including good and bad, but of the truth. See ante, p. 54. Ed. 
twelve to thirteen hundred men, who ■[■ See A'^. T. Col. Docs., X, p. 3. Ed. 



222 Siege and Capture of Louishourg. [Appendix. 

who may be deserving of your confidence will have rendered 
you an account of all the circumstances which have accom- 
panied the blockade, the siege and the surrender of that place. 
We have not been able to learn any particulars thereof, except 
from some seamen who made their escape, from time to time, 
from the different harbors of Isle Royal [Cape Breton], and 
have arrived at Quebec, the major portion of them in Biscay- 
ennes (long boats) ; among the rest one Lacroix Girard, ship 
master, a native of St. Malo. This individual was in the place 
during the whole of the siege ; his journal of it has appeared 
to us true, because of its simplicity, and this circumstance 
induces us to address you a copy of it.* According to what 
M. Duchambon has communicated to Sieur Marin, in his letter 
of the 29th of June last, that commandant was obliged to 
capitulate, on account of want of men and powder." f 

These gentlemen give the English great credit for their per- 
severance and management of the expedition. They do not, 
like some of the English, attribute all their success to good 
luck. On the other hand, they attribute it to their diligence, 
courage, and preparing beforehand to meet all emergencies, 
although they take into the account the favorableness of the 
weather during the early part of the campaign, namely, in 
April, May and June. Capt. Girard, before mentioned, left 
Louisbourg on the 15th of July [loth, English account]. He 
reported that the English had at that time begun to remove the 
artillery out of the Vigilant, and place it upon the ramparts of 
the fortifications. 

* Thus it appears there was a journal it I have ever met with. Ed. 
kept, within the walls as well as without, 

of the famous siege ; but that kept within -j- By what will presently be seen, there 

does not appear ever to have been pub- was a large quantity of powder found in 

lished, and this is the only reference to the city by the captors. Ed. 



Appendix.] Siege and Capture of houisbourg. 223 

The following letter, dated Louisbourg, July 4, 1745, is not 
only valuable for its fa£ts, but for the pifture it exhibits of the 
spirit of those who had participated in the great acquisition. 
The ensuing is an extra£l: 

"The more I view the works, the more is my admiration, 
and instead of twenty-five hundred [men] for the attack or 
siege, if the strength had been known before, ten thousand 
would not have been thought sufficient. The Island and 
Grand Batteries are the weakest of their works; for nature 
has on the back of the Grand Battery provided a shelter for an 
enemy's bombarding them out, which Providence gave us no 
occasion for, and the Light-House the same, which did such 
execution on the Island Battery, that the enemy was glad they 
could have recourse to the water to avoid the impending 
destruition of the balls and bombs. Our men, to their great 
honor, have been perfect Herculeses in their labors and fatigues, 
and were so hardened to the enemy's fire, that they would run 
and stop the career of the shot, before they had run their 
distance. The French say they are devils, for the hotter they 
fired, the nearer advances they made to their fire, and let what 
will have been said to their prejudice, four times their number 
of regular troops would not have undergone the Herculean 
labors of drawing forty-two pounders over hills and dales, rocks 
and swamps, three or four miles. God has greatly blessed the 
whole undertaking ; and to describe the strength of Louisbourg 
city, and the vast labors of the French in casting up works 
while besieged, is beyond my pen to express ; and the additions 
we are making of forty pieces of cannon out of the Launceston, 
will make it almost impregnable.* Underneath is an account 

* The armament was taken out of of the prisoners, who were to be trans- 
that ship to prepare her for the reception ported to France in her. Ed. 



224 Siege and Capture of Louisbourg. [Appendix. 

of the guns and ammunition found in the several batteries, viz : 
in the town, one hundred and forty-eight embrazures, eighty- 
five cannon, five brass mortars, and one iron. In the Island 
Battery, thirty-four embrazures, thirty cannon, two brass 
mortars, two small brass mortars in the store. In the Grand 
Battery, thirty cannon. Found in the town and the Island 
Battery, one hundred and twelve barrels of gunpowder, and 
some cartridges." 

To avoid foot notes the above paragraphs have been interpo- 
lated into Governor Shirley's letter, which is here resumed. 
This closing part of the letter is separate from the narrative 
part, and was evidently added to impress on the home govern- 
ment the great and just claims which New England had in the 
acquisition of Cape Breton. 

" By this representation of the services of his Majesty's 
land forces, I would not be understood to intend to exclude his 
Majesty's ships from their just share in the redudtion of this 
place. Mr. Warren, upon whom I very much depended from 
the beginning for assistance and success in this enterprise, did, 
upon his receiving orders by his Majesty's sloop Hind, the 9th 
of March, to proceed to Boston, and concert measures with 
me for the protection of Nova Scotia, and the annoyance of 
the enemy's settlements, &c., immediately proceeded with his 
Majesty's ships Superb, Mermaid, and Launceston, under his 
command, for Boston ; but, upon getting intelligence at sea of 
the departure of the New England land forces for Canso, 
though he was then within thirty leagues of Boston, without 
refreshments, or his complement of ordnance stores, and one 
of his ships not very fit for immediate service, sailed directly 
for that place, where, having overtaken the forces, and conferred 
with the General by letter, upon his Majesty's service in the 



Appendix.] Siege and Capture of Louis hour g. 225 

expedition ; and it being thought advisable by both, that the 
ships should dire£tly proceed before Louisbourg harbor to cut 
off all supplies and intelligence from the enemy, immediately 
proceeded there, and most effectually blocked up the harbor ; 
and by engaging and taking the Vigilant, a French ship of war 
of sixty-four guns, bound for Louisbourg with some ordnance 
stores, cut off from the enemy all hopes of any supplies or 
succors, and gave great spirits to the land forces in carrying on 
the siege ; and afterwards, upon his Majesty's ship Chester's 
arrival from England, to reinforce him, and receiving advice 
that the Canterbury and Sunderland were following, determined 
to enter the harbor as soon as those ships should join him, and 
attack the town and batteries with his Majesty's ships, whilst 
the land forces made an assault upon the city by land ; which 
was agreed on, between Mr. Warren and the General, to be 
made the i6th of June, and the ships were accordingly clearing 
on the 15th of June, in order to enter the harbor, but were 
prevented by the enemy's making proposals for a capitulation. 
And indeed, Mr. Warren offered his assistance for his Majesty's 
service in every shape. 

" It is unnecessary for me to trouble your Grace with a 
detail of the plans proposed during the siege for a more speedy 
reduction of the place ; as far as I can judge, it was effected 
most happily in the manner which it was reduced in, as the 
success of the event was much more secure in this way ; and 
it has cost fewer lives ; and the place was gained without the 
least damage being done to any of his Majesty's ships. 

" I hope these services of the New England troops in the 

field, which seem to have equalled the zeal of the Massachusetts 

Council and Assembly within their province, for his Majesty's 

service, upon this occasion, may be graciously accepted by his 

Dd 



226 Siege and Capture of Louis bourg. [Appendix. 

Majesty, as a proof of that perfecSt duty and firm loyalty which, 
I am persuaded, all the colonies concerned in the redudtion of 
this place (but especially that of the Massachusetts Bay, for 
which I can more particularly answer), bear to his Majesty's 
sacred person, and to his government, and of their ready dispo- 
sition to promote the general welfare of his dominions ; and 
I humbly beg of your Grace to lay this account before his 
Majesty, in such manner as your Grace shall think most proper. 
" I am, &c., 

W. SHIRLEY." 



SUFFERERS IN THE CAPE BRETON EXPEDITION. 




HE following list has been prepared from the General 

Court Journals and other materials. It is not given 

as complete in any respeft, but to aid those who 

may desire to do something more in the same line. 

A principal design being to notice such as are not met with in 

the general accounts of the period : 

Allen, Benjamin. In answer to a petition to the General 
Court of Massachusetts, was allowed "two pounds and fourteen 
shillings, in full for wages and expenses in sickness," while in 
the Louisbourg expedition. 

Allen, Joseph, was allowed four pounds and ten shillings for 
his services and sufferings in the expedition, in August, 1746. 
He had previously petitioned. 

Bacon, Ebenezer, was of Woodstock, " being wounded and 
lost his gun, valued at twelve pounds, O. T.," was allowed 
three pounds for his gun, and " four pounds for loss of time, 
sufferings, &c." 

Bane, David, was of York ; went as a volunteer, and had 
received no recompense. On the 9th of January, 1747, the 
General Court voted him ten pounds. The family name was 
doubtless Bean, which was generally pronounced as given in the 
records. Bane. He was probably a son of Joseph Bean, long 
time a captive among the Indians, and an interpreter between 
the English and Indians on many important occasions. He was 
at the treaty of 1749, and 1753, and is frequently mentioned in 



228 Sufferers in the Louis hour g Expedition. [Appendix. 

the affairs of those times. He was afterwards a captain, and 
employed in building the fort at Penobscot, and in 1759 peti- 
tioned for additional wages. " Steeven " Beane, aged twenty, 
and Thomas Beane, aged twenty-one, were emigrants to America 
in 1635. 

Baron, Timothy. He belonged to Westford, had an allow- 
ance granted him for wounds received during the expedition, and 
on the 13th of November, 1746, another of five pounds. 

Bell, "John, was an armourer in the expedition. He appears 
to have been incapacitated by sickness, and to have returned 
home in consequence, but recovered and went a second time. 
On the 13th of August, 1746, a petition of his and Edward 
Bemis was adled upon in the General Court of Massachusetts ; 
said petition setting forth, that they " having done great service 
in that mystery " as armourers. The Court instructed the 
Committee of war to " allow them wages of armourers from 
the 17th of April, 1745, to June 17th, following, they not 
having been paid in any other capacity for that time." At the 
same time an order was passed " to pay John Bell seven pounds 
six shillings and six pence, old tenor, on account of his sickness 
after his first return from Louisbourg, provided the Committee 
have not allowed him therefor already." The same individual 
probably had been wounded in an earlier war with the Indians, 
and twenty-four pounds were voted for his benefit. 

Bemis, Edward. Nothing further is met with concerning 
him than is contained in the last article. 

Bennet, Moses. In answer to the application of Captain 
Bennet, the General Court voted (August 12th, 1746), not to 
allow him for services in the brigantine Boston Packet, because 
she was sent out without the Court's authority, and at a time 
when there was no enemy on the coast. But it is likely the 



Appendix ] Sufferers in the Louis hour g Expedition. 229 

Captain made it appear that he had authority for his voyage, for 
just a month later the Court voted to allow his muster roll, from 
the loth of May to June 23d, following. 

Bouren, Meletiah, in a petition to the General Court, it set 
forth, "that the Council of War, on the 25th of April, 1745, 
at Chapeaurouge Bay, ordered him, with William Winslow 
(since deceased), to receive a quantity of molasses of a prize 
brigantine, brought into said bay by Captain Donahew, for the 
use of the forces there, to the value of fifteen hundred and 
twenty-five pounds and fifteen shillings ; that he drew upon the 
Committee of War in Boston for the said sum, in favor of 
Captain Samuel Waldo, who afted as agent to said Donahew, 
but the Committee refused to pay said draft to said Waldo ; 
thereupon the said Waldo protested said draft, and has com- 
menced an adion against him, the said Bourne." Mr. Bourne 
belonged to Sandwich, and was the father of the Hon. Sylvanus 
Bourne, who died in 1763, at the age of seventy. 

Buckler, Robert, was a volunteer. In answer to a petition 
for relief, it appears " his services and sufferings " were of more 
than an ordinary charadter, as twelve pounds and ten shillings 
were promptly voted him, " for "his present relief." 

Burn, Patrick, belonged to Wenham. With Joseph Wood- 
ward Loveit, Elisha Nevers, Joseph Allen, and Benjamin 
Raymond, he petitioned for an allowance on account of his 
"services and sufferings," August 7th, 1746. On the 6th of 
September following, the Committee of War were ordered to 
pay to the seleftmen of Wenham, seven pounds and ten shillings 
"in full," for the use of the said Burn. 

Butler, Richard, of Boston, set forth in a petition, that " he 
enlisted in the Cape Breton expedition, was then a servant to 
James Davaricks, who has since absconded, and neither instru6ts 



230 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix. 

him in his trade, nor allows him any subsistence ;" asks for 
wages due him while in the service. Nothing was allowed him, 
at least at this time, perhaps on the ground that his master had 
received his wages. 

Buxton^ Stephen, showed by a petition, that he was impressed 
into the service in April, 1746, and was sent home again in 
July following; that by the muster roll he was only allowed for 
that time ; yet " by his wounds he was incapable of service for 
a long time after." He was allowed pay for nineteen weeks 
additional, at twenty-two shillings and six pence a week ; and 
in March following an order passed to pay him ten pounds and 
thirteen shillings additional. 

Carr, Richard, belonged to Newbury. He was in the des- 
perate attack on the Island Battery, on the night of the 26th of 
May (1745), in which he lost two of his fingers. Five pounds 
were ordered to be paid him. 

Cheney, William, " petitioned in behalf of himself, and 
company of volunteers, under the command of Captain John 
Ruggles, who went to Cape Breton, for further allowance." 
The petition was dismissed. 

Cboate. Mention is made of " Colonel Choate's regiment," 
but nothing is met with to show that it was in the expedition. 

Clark, Edward. "Whereas, on the 31st of January last 
[1746-7], the following vote passed, namely, that Edward 
Clark be allowed lieutenant's wages, from May 29th, 1745, to 
September 30th, following, which vote is mislaid and not 
recorded ; voted, that he be allowed," &c. 

Cobb, Sylvanus. A letter is received by the Secretary of the 
Province, from Admiral Townsend, who is at Louisbourg, 
directed to his Excellency ; also a journal of Sylvanus Cobb, 
Odober nth, 1746. 



Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louis bourg Expedition. 231 

Covell^ IVilllam^ served in Captain Doane's company. He 
received a hurt in his shoulder, and petitioned for some assistance 
on account of it. The Court gave his petition a negative ; 
from which circumstance it may be inferred that the applicant 
did not receive his hurt in the service. 

Crecey^ Joseph, belonged to Ipswich. He petitioned for 
" consideration," having been employed to take care of sick 
soldiers at Cape Breton. Whether he went as a soldier, or 
what was the success of his application, does not appear. 

Crosby, "Josiah, sets forth in a petition, that by order of the 
Governor he enlisted twenty-five men for the garrison at 
Louisbourg ; that three of them deserted, to whom he had 
advanced forty-four pounds, old tenor ; that he had also advanced 
one hundred and eighty-nine pounds for billetting the men ; he 
therefore prays for reimbursement. It was dismissed by the 
Court, Julv 25th, 1746. The matter was brought up again 
on the 15th of November following, and referred to the next 
sitting of the Court. 

Dalhonde, 'Jolm, was of Boston. On the 7th of August, 
1746, he petitioned the General Court for remuneration 
"respefting his extraordinary services in the late expedition 
against Louisbourg." He at the same time prayed for allow- 
ance on account of the services of his servant on board the 
brigantine Boston Packet. The Court ordered the petitions to 
be dismissed. He had served as a physician, and why this 
summary refusal to entertain his petitions was taken is not fully 
explained ; it seems, however, that a committee was appointed 
to examine the matter, who, on the 15th of August following, 
stated, " that although the petitioner received no warrant from 
the Governor to pradtice as a doftor in the army at Cape 
Breton, yet by order of General Pepperell he was improved as 



232 Sufferers m the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix. 

such ; and especially at a time when the sickness greatly pre- 
vailed in the army, and scarcely any do6tors to take care of the 
sick : therefore it was voted to allow him doilor's wages." 

There was at the same time living in Boston, another Dr. 
Dalhonde, of the given name of Lawrence ; whether a relative 
of John, does not appear. Dr. Lawrence Dalhonde was the 
family physician of Thomas Hancock. He made himself 
rather unpopular by his opposition to innoculation of the small 
pox. He died on the 24th of November, of this year (1746), 
at the age of seventy-one. His wife, Elizabeth, was executrix. 
She died previous to the 6th of April, 1749, and Mr. Hugh 
Vans, merchant, was her executor. 

Davis, Jedidiah, represented " his sufferings " in a petition 
of the 29th of August, 1746. No adlion is found taken 
upon it. 

Davis, John, was wounded. On December 30th, five 
pounds were ordered to be paid him " for smart money and loss 
of time ;" and on the 2d of January following, another five 
pounds was granted, which was also " for smart money and 
loss of time." He remained sick a long time, in the house of 
Robert Thorndike. See Thorndike, R. 

Dixwell, Bazil, died in the service at Cape Breton. He 
belonged to Captain Goldthwait's company, and was a lieutenant. 
Whether he were a descendant of the Regicide John, perhaps 
the editor of the new edition — long promised — -of Dr. Stiles's 
History of the Judges of Charles I, may inform the reader.* 

Doane, Elisha, was Captain of a company, and was one of 
the first, who, at the head of his company, started for Cape 
Breton. On the 24th of June, 1746, he set forth in a petition 

* Sir fiflj// Dixwell was a connexion of probably named. — See Stiles's History 
the Judge, for whom the Lieutenant was of the Judgts, 143. 



Appendix.] Sufferer s ill the Louishourg Expedition. 233 

to the General Court in bclialf of himself and men, that they 
underwent great hardship, that their wages was but five pounds 
per month, and " that they lost all benefit of plunder by the 
capitulation." Captain Doane was probably of the Eastham 
family, and may have been that Elhha Doane, born there, 
February 3d, 1705. — See New Eng. Hist, and Gen. Register., 
vol. VI, page 44. 

DolUher^ Thomas., was of Marblehead, a fisherman. 
Through his agency news was obtained that the great French 
armada, under the Duke D'Anvilie, was arrived in the northern 
seas. He abandoned his fishing, took a Frenchman from the 
Isle Sables, conveyed him to Louisbourg, and through his 
means the news was obtained. On the 13th of November, 
1746, a request for remuneration of his expenses was before 
the General Court. His principal claim was that he had " lost 
a fair of fish." The name Dolliber, with several variations, 
is an early one in New England. Perhaps Dolehare is of the 
same origin. 

Donahew., David. This adtive commander is duly noticed 
in the body of this history. He probably belonged to New- 
buryport, and as early as the 27th of February, 1745, was 
taken into the service of the Province, with his vessel, a sloop. 

Dunn., John., belonged to Barnstable, Cape Cod, and was a 
drum major in Col. Gorham's regiment. He claimed that he 
had not received his dues of the government, as set forth in a 
petition ; but on the 25th of July, 1746, his petition was "dis- 
missed," yet on the 9th of Oflober following, his claim was 
liquidated by an allowance of two pounds and seventeen shillings. 

Dyre., Joseph^ was a soldier in Captain James Noble's com- 
pany, and was one of those who complained of that officer's 
barbarous treatment of his men. 
Ee 



2 34 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix. 

Fearne, John. In answer to a petition of his, January 29, 
1747, ten pounds were voted him, on account of his great suf- 
ferings by sickness. 

Gardner^ John^ was of Salem. On the 5th of March, 1745, 
he was appointed pilot of the Massachusetts frigate, Captain 
Edward Tyng. On the 9th of the same month a vote passed 
in the General Court adding two shillings a month to his pay. 

Ga??ish, George^ served as a blacksmith. In September 
(1746) he petitioned the Court for remuneration on account of 
having lost his tools at Louisbourg. He represented that they 
were stolen from him, which circumstance probably influenced 
the Court to throw out his claim ; perhaps concluding that the 
government could not be holden in such cases. 

Gayton, Pierce. He was master of a mast-ship, and was 
waiting here, as the mast trees could not be got ready before 
the end of June. His ship was a fine one, equal to a man of 
war of forty guns. Gov. Shirley prevailed upon him to join 
the expedition against Louisbourg. His ship had been taken 
from the French, and its name was the Bien Amie. It was 
now the 7th of March {1745) and although she required 
seventy men to make up her compliment, the Governor said 
she would be ready to sail the following week. In the mean 
time Capt. Gayton received orders from Commodore Knowles 
which interfered with the arrangement for the voyage to Louis- 
bourg. On the nth of September he petitioned the General 
Court, stating that he had been constrained by the justices of 
the county of Suffolk to give evidence concerning the murder 
of William Bryan and John Conner, whereby he was prevented 
following his business at sea. On the 15th of November fol- 
lowing his claim was acknowledged by an allowance of "<£ii 
5,(. in full." 



Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. 235 

GirUr, IVilllam. He seems to have been a coast pilot. On 
the r4th of June, 1747, a petition of his is noticed in the Court 
Journals, in which it is said that "he did very considerable 
service in piloting the transports into Sheepscot and Canso, and 
catching fish for the fleet." The family name of this pilot may 
have been Girdler. If so, this man probably originated at 
Marblehead. 

Gorham., John. On the 8th of August, 1746, he petitioned 
for pay as lieutenant-colonel. Three days later, with other 
officers of the "whale-boat regiment, so called," prayed that 
some method be taken to regulate the distribution of plunder. 
Col. Gorham belonged to Cape Cod, and usually had many of 
the Cape Indians in his regiment. 

Harris. Thomas Harris, of Ipswich, was- allowed five 
pounds upon his representing that he had been at great charge 
in nursing one of his sons who returned sick from the expedi- 
tion, and died in consequence of that sickness. 

Hills., Daniel, was sick at Cape Breton. He afterward 
received four pounds for medicine expended in his sickness there. 

Hicks, Nathaniel, was of Kittery, and was among the 
wounded. He afterwards petitioned for relief. Whether any 
was accorded, is not found. 

Hoyt, Moses, was of Newberry; having petitioned for relief, 
on account of his services and sufferings, the court, on the same 
day his petition was read, voted him, "for his present relief," 
twelve pounds and ten shillings, July 23, 1746. See Genealogy 
of the Hoyts, by D. W. Hoyt, p. 32. 

Hunniwell, Roger, belonged to Scarborough. He lost his 
right arm at Louisbourg. On June 26, 1746, seven pounds 
and ten shillings were voted him for present relief. Again, in 
April, 1747, another £"] \os. were voted him, "and the Go- 



2 36 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix. 

vernor be desired to place the petitioner in one of the garrisons, 
and to be in the pay of the province." 

Jackson., William^ was captain of the cartel ship which con- 
veyed the Louisbourg captives to France, after the surrender. 
His wife not hearing anything from him for above a year after 
he sailed from Louisbourg, petitioned the authorities for his 
wages. This was in January, 1746-7. Between that date 
and March 17th following, the captain made his appearance, and 
was allowed to visit the General Court, on which event the 
clerk made a record to this purport : " Captain William Jack- 
son, who was sent by his excellency, the Governor, express 
from Louisbourg to Great Britain, in November, 1745, by order 
of the House, appeared on the floor, and after divers questions 
respefting his voyage, etc., withdrew." 

yenkins, Phillip, represented himself as a " soldier in the ex- 
pedition," and that he " had many things stolen from him," for 
which he prayed remuneration from the government, but it does 
not appear that he got any. 

'Jordan, Henry. On the 2d of April, 1747, it was ordered 
that he be allowed ten pounds on account of his sufferings ; 
and that the Governor be desired to place him in one of the 
garrisons, and to be in the pay of the province. He had the 
year before been allowed five pounds for present relief. 

Jose, Francis ; seems to have been an inhabitant of some part 
of Cape Breton when this war came on, and atSed as pilot to 
the English ships, and was allowed wages for his services. At 
the same time his son was " a common soldier " in the army. 
He also furnished supplies, for which, August 7th, 1746, he was 
allowed forty pounds " in full for cattle, wood, and services." 

Kelton, Jonathan, was of Dorchester, and served as armourer 
at the Grand Battery during the siege. 



Appendix.] Sufferers 171 the Loui s hour g Expedition. 237 

Kenny., Nathan, having received a musket ball in his thigh, 
" which had occasioned him great charge, trouble and pain," 
petitioned for recompense, and on the loth of Odober, 1746, 
fifty shillings were allowed him. 

Kinslaw, John, was a captain, and was at Louisbourg in the 
end of August, 1746. His pay roll was presented to the Court 
but was not sworn to by the captain ; " and the soldiers who 
are alive, and the representatives of those who are dead, will be 
great sufferers if payment be delayed until said roll can be sworn 
to ; therefore it was voted that the Committee of War make 
payment on said roll." 

Leatherland, Jacob, was of Ipswich, a volunteer. He 
petitioned the General Court for remuneration, in the usual 
form, on account of his sufferings, but it was " laid on the 
table." 

Lewis, Thomas, was of Hingham. On the 12th of No- 
vember, 1746, complaint was made against him, that he had 
by a forged order, received part of the wages of Edward 
Ward, Jr., of the said Hingham, and had enlisted into the service 
and gone for Annapolis. An order was passed requesting the 
Governor to send for him, "that he may be brought to justice." 
Mention is made by Mr. Lincoln in his history of Hingham of 
a Thomas Lewis of this time in that town, but nothing of his 
having served in this war. 

Lovett, Joseph Woodward. On August 7th, 1746, a peti- 
tion from him and several others was taken up, but not adted 
upon till September 3d. It was then " ordered that the Com- 
njittee of War allow J. W. Lovet wages for so long time as it 
appeared to them he was allowed subsistence." 

Marsh, Jacob, belonged to Newbury, was chirurgeon's mate 
in Colonel Williams's regiment, and chief surgeon in Colonel 



238 Sufferers in the Loiiisbourg Expedition. [Appendix. 

Waldo's regiment. The Court ordered, " that, on due proof 
of what he alleges, full chirurgeon's pay be allowed him." 

March^ 'John, was of Salisbury. For his hardships and 
sufferings, six pounds were voted him. 

McFaden, 'James, petitions for reimbursement of twenty-four 
pounds, which he has paid his dodlor since the last grant of the 
Court in April, 1746. On July i8th, the Committee of War 
were direfted to pay six pounds " to whom it is due for nursing 
and board, and four pounds to the petitioner for his loss of 
time." 

Nevers, Elisha, was allowed two pounds and five shillings 
on account of his services and sufferings, August nth, 1746. 

Noble, James, Captain, was complained of for ill treatment 
of his men, which seems to have amounted to barbarity, as the 
General Court, on hearing the testimony against him, requested 
the Governor " not to suffer the said James Noble to sustain a 
post in the public service." He was in General Samuel Waldo's 
regiment of Cumberland county. 

Pierce, James, of Wiscasset, was a volunteer, and among 
the sick soldiers. His petition for aid, of June i8th, 1746, was 
passed over. On the nth of November he was allowed six 
pounds "as a further allowance." On April 4th, 1747, four 
pounds were voted him, "and to be put into the hands of Josiah 
Pierce, for the best use of the petitioner." 

Pike, Thomas, was of Newbury. He petitioned for an allow- 
ance, "showing, that on the 20th of June, 1745, he received a 
commission from Governor Shirley to be adjutant in Choate's 
regiment ; that he was before and after that, lieutenant, and 
performed the duty of both." But his claim was not allowed, 
at this time, July 19th, 1746. 

Pines, Thomas, was of Boston. In the beginning of the 



Appendix. ] Sufferers in the Louhbourg Expedition. 239 

expedition "he enlisted and went a Serjeant under Captain 
Samuel Rhodes, and received wages as such to October, 1745- 
that he continued to the 15th of May, 1746, in the service, but 
cannot get his wages, because Captain Rhodes has made up no 
muster roll." 

Preble, Zebulon, of York, claimed " that his son, who served 
at the reduaion of Louisbourg, and died in the service, had 
due to him wages to the amount of eight pounds fifteen shillin-^s 
and one penny ; that his order for that amount was returned 
endorsed, 'paid William Walker, per order,' the amount for 
wages and bounty ; whereas, the petitioner never drew such 
order, neither doth he know said Walker." The Committee 
of War was ordered to stop Walker's wages till he should 
make it appear that the order in question was genuine. 

Prout, Ebenezer, was a commissary. On November nth, 
1746, he memorialized the government respeding his accounts! 
Pynchon, Charles, a physician in the expedition, petitioned 
respeding his great suffering in the service, which being "com- 
mitted to the gentlemen appointed upon petitions of wounded 
soldiers, June 12th, 1746," it was ordered that the Committee 
of War allow the petitioner twenty-five pounds " for his services 
and sufi^erings." He was a descendant "of the worshipful 
William Pynchon, of Springfield, and Dr. Allen says he died 
before 1789 ; that he was son of John, who died in 1721 ; if 
so, he was grandson of the Rev. William Hubbard, 'the 
historian. 

Raymond, Benjamin, among other soldiers, petitioned for 
consideration for his services and sufferings, which was presented 
in August, 1746. 

Reddlngton, Nathaniel, a volunteer, whose "services and 
sufferings," in the opinion of the War Committee, amounted to 



240 Sufferers hi the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix. 

two pounds and ten shillings, which was ordered to be paid him 
" in full." 

Rouse, John, conspicuous in this and the later French wars, 
was doubtless a native of Boston or its vicinity,* but who his 
immediate ancestors were, none of the writers who notice him 
appear to have had any knowledge. The name Rouse appears 
very early on our records. It may have, like many others, 
undergone changes ; as Ross, Rose, &c. Still, there was a "John 
Rouse in New England as early as 1640. William Rouse was 
of Boston, a goldsmith, who had a family here, and also another 
William, a generation later, who is styled mariner, and with 
several others was imprisoned under the accusation of trading 
with the French enemy. He might have been the ancestor, 
and even the father of Captain John Rouse, the subjeft of this 
article, but of that proof is wanting. It is remarkable that 
there is not a line in any of our biographical works respefting 
a man so distinguished as a naval commander as was Captain 
John Rous, or Rouse, as then often written. 

The name Rous appears among the English baronets in 1660, 
and in the peerage in 1796, as Ear! Stradbrok. Mention is 
here made of the English family, because Captain John Rouse, 
a native of New England, received most of his honors in Old 
England, as a succin£l notice of him, now undertaken, will 
show. 

Dr. Douglass thus introduces him : " In the end of July, 
1744, Captain Rouse in a Boston privateer, arrived at St. Johns 
harbor in Newfoundland, from the Great Banks. He brought 
in eight French ships, with ninety thousand mud-fish. In 
August Captain Rouse, in consort ship, with Captain Cleves in 
a ship, and some small craft, and fifty marines, fitted out by the 

* See Penhallow, Indian Wars, page 33. 



Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. 24 1 

British man-of-war stationed at Newfoundland, sailed in quest 
of the French ships that cure codfish in the northern harbors 
of Newfoundland. August i8th, at Fishot [Fishotte], they 
took five good French ships, some dried fish, and seventy tons 
of liver oil. Thence they proceeded to the harbors of St. 
Julian and Carrous. Captain Rouse hereby merited, and 
accordingly was made, Post or Rank Captain in the British 
navy." But it appears from other authentic sources that several 
important circumstances in the career of Captain Rouse trans- 
pired between his privateer services and his advancement to a 
captaincy in the British navy. When the expedition was 
resolved upon against Cape Breton, Governor Shirley sent for 
Captain Edward Tyng (who had recently succeeded the veteran 
Captain Cyprian Southack), and diredted him to procure the 
largest and best ship he could find, and appointed him Commo- 
dore. To him Captain Rouse was second in command, and 
shared in all his operations. 

After the capture of the great French ship, the Vigilant, 
Commodore Warren proposed to Captain Tyng to take command 
of her, under the rank of Post Captain ; but as he was now 
about sixty-five years of age, he did not think it prudent to 
accept the office, but recommended Captain Rouse, who was 
thus instated in the navy, and appointed to the command of the 
Shirley frigate, or galley, as it was sometimes, or hitherto 
denominated.* After sharing in all of the hardships in the 
reduftion of Louisbourg, Captain Rouse went to England, 
where, after the peace of 1748, he was appointed Captain of 

* The Rev. Timothy Alden, in his is not warranted by the fafts in my pos- 

account or memoir of Captain Tyng, session, which are fully and correiSly 

insinuates that Captain Rouse had usurped given in the text, from the best authori- 

the honor intended for his superior, which ties of the time. 

Ff 



242 Sufferers in the Louishourg Expedition. [Appendix. 

the Albany sloop. This command was inferior to his hitherto 
place, but in time of peace such exchange from larger to smaller 
ships were common. In 1755, however, he appears as Captain 
of the Success, a twenty-two gun ship, and was soon alter 
ordered to his old field of exploits, about Nova Scotia. Here 
he cooperated with Colonel Monckton. A letter written at 
Halifax, July i8th, the same year (1755), affords an insight into 
some of his brilliant operations : " The French have abandoned 
their fort at St. Johns river, and as far as in their power demo- 
lished it. As soon as the forts on the Isthmus were taken, 
Captain Rous sailed from thence, with three twenty-gun ships 
and a sloop to look into St. John's river, where it was reported 
there were two French ships of thirty-six guns each. He 
anchored off the mouth of the river, and sent his boats to 
reconnoitre ; they saw no ships there ; but on their appearance 
the French burst their cannon, blew up their magazine, burned 
every thing they could belonging to the fort, and marched off". 
The next morning the Indians invited Captain Rous on. shore, 
gave him the strongest assurances of their desire to make peace 
with the English ; and pleaded, in their behalf, that they had 
refused to assist the French upon this occasion, though earnestly 
pressed by them." Two years later (1757), we meet with 
Captain Rouse in the same ship, under Admiral Holburne, who, 
on his arrival at the Chiboudtou, or Halifax station, dispatched 
him for the purpose of reconnoitering the French fleet at 
Louisbourg. On his return he was removed into the Winchelsea 
of twenty-four guns. About the end of the year he returned 
to England, and was promoted to the Southerland, of fifty guns, 
and again returned to America, where he continued to signalize 
himself by his bravery and good conduit till after the fall of 
Quebec ; about which time it is believed he returned to England, 



Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. 243 

with greatly impaired health, and on the 3d of April following, 
died at Portsmouth. 

Rogers, Williatn. On January 21st, 1747, a petition from 
him was presented to the General Court, praying compensation, 
for that he had served in a double capacity at Cape Breton ; 
namely, as commissary to a regiment and clerk to a company. 
The Court decided that "the time for receiving petitions was 
past, and consequently his was not then considered. The same 
was again presented, on the 21st of April following, but does 
not seem to have been adled upon. 

Ruggles, John, was a captain in the Louisbourg expedition, 
and is only incidentally mentioned. 

Shuttleworth, Vincent, belonged to Wrentham, Massachu- 
setts. He was among the badly wounded, and a pension of 
three pounds and five shillings was voted him by the General 
Court previous to November nth, 1746, at which time the 
same amount was ordered to be paid him yearly for life. The 
family name is found among the emigrants of 1635, in which 
year John Shettleivorth's name is found, though Savage appears 
not to have met with it. 

Spier, David, was of Woburn, Massachusetts, and died after 
the expedition, having "served during the whole siege of Louis- 
bourg. After which he was taken sick, and sent to Boston, 
where he died. He was son of John Spier, of Woburn, but 
no mention is found of the name of Spier in the history of 
that town, nor in the Neiu England Genealogical DiSiionary. 

Stanwood, 'Job, was a volunteer. In August, 1746, he 
petitioned for consideration on account of his sufferings, and on 
the 14th of November following, the Court granted him "five 
pounds for his present relief." The Stanwoods were early at 
Gloucester. Job and his brother David were both in this 



244 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix. 

expedition, and both wounded. Job lost his left arm, and, in 
1749, was given a pension of fifteen pounds a year during life. 

Strong, Elisha, was of Northampton, a volunteer. In 
January, 1747, "he petitioned for a further allowance, by reason 
of his services and sufferings. He was in Captain Hubbard's 
company. He was doubtless of the same stock as the late 
Governor Caleb Strong, the Rev. Nathan, D. D., and other 
highly distinguished men of the name. 

Tarrant, Alexander, was "allowed for his present relief," 
twelve pounds and ten shillings. 

Tatness, Samuel, a volunteer, petitioned, in September, I 746, 
" representing his sickness and sufferings," and was referred "to 
the gentlemen appointed for such service." The next Febru- 
ary the Court ordered that five pounds should be paid him "in 
full for his suiferings and sickness." In April, 1747, Eleanor 
Drisdell, of Boston, brought in a bill " for boarding and nursing 
Samuel Tatness from June to January," seven pounds and ten 
shillings, which was allowed her. 

Terry, "John, captain of a company of grenadiers, appointed 
by Gen. Pepperrell, but had received only a lieutenant's pay ; 
that he advanced a considerable sum in provisions for his com- 
pany ; he therefore petitioned the General Court " for an allow- 
ance." The Court referred him to their committee, appointed 
to examine such claims, June 7, 1746. 

Thomas, ll'Ul'iam, was of Plymouth, and " under surgeon " 
in Captain Samuel Waldo's regiment, but was obliged to take 
care of Col. Gorham's regiment also. He was ordered to be 
paid wages as chief surgeon, by the committee of war, " pro- 
vided they find that Col. Gorham's regiment had no chief 
surgeon, January 12, 1747. 

Trayne, "Joshua, was of Framingham, a volunteer. In 



Appendix] Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. 245 

March, 1 747, he petitioned for " consideration," on account of 
loss of time and sickness since his return from the expedition. 
A Joshua Trayne, probably the same, is mentioned in the 
history of Framingham, who married, in 1743, Mary Nichols. 
He was son of John Trayne, of the same town, and was rated 
there in 1746 and 1752. He may not have been assessed the 
intermediate years in consequence of his sufferings in the expe- 
dition. Nothing is said in Barry's History of Framingham about 
his service against Cape Breton. 

Turner .^ Ahner. In Oftober, 1 746, he petitioned for com- 
pensation, setting forth, that he was at the reduiStion of Louis- 
bourg, that afterwards he was shipped to carry some French 
prisoners to France ; that upon his return he was put on shore 
at Philadelphia, and there was seized with the small-pox ; that 
that cost him nine pounds and ten shillings. The Court did 
not, at this time, entertain his claim. 

Twichel, Daniel. In March, 1747, he petitioned the govern- 
ment for consideration, as a soldier, wounded in the service, but 
in what service is not mentioned. 

Tyng, Edivard. A captain in the sea service, and one of 
the ablest commanders in the wars of his time, as will be found 
elsewhere detailed ; as well in other works as in these pages. 
In the Cape Breton expedition he was in command of the 
Massachusetts frigate. Early in this war he memorialized the 
government for a " further allowance for the doftor, that he be 
kept in constant pay, and that he may be allowed a mate." 
Whereupon an order was issued, granting eight shillings a 
month to be added- to the doctor's pay. A mate was also 
granted, with two pounds and ten shillings a month wages. 
Also a second lieutenant, with three pounds and three shillings 
wages per month. In February, 1746-7, he petitioned for a 



246 Sufferers in the Louisboiirg Expedition. [Appendix. 

doiStor's mate, but whether this request were granted or not, 
does not appear. At this time Capt. Tyng was about sixty- 
four years of age. He died in Boston, September 8th, 1755, 
aged about seventy-two. His residence was in Milk street. 
In 1734 he advertised for sale "A likely Negro Man, aged 
about twenty-two years, speaks good English, is an excellent 
Barber, and endowed with several other valuable qualifications." 
In 1736, a large traiS of land was granted to "Edward Tyng 
of Boston, merchant, Temple Nelson and Nathaniel Alden of 
Boston, for themselves and others, the heirs of Col. Edward 
Tyng, deceased ; John Nelson, Esq., deceased ; and Captain 
John Alden, deceased ; in consideration for the deceased's 
extraordinary services and sufferings ; they having suffered a 
long and tedious captivity in France, the said Col. Tyng dying 
in a dungeon there." Hence Captain Tyng was grandson of 
the emigrant of the same name, who settled in Dunstable, and 
died there in 1681, at the age of ninety-one. His father served 
in Philip's war, was lieutenant to Capt. Appleton, and wounded 
in the Narraganset swamp fight of Dec. 19, 1675. Seven 
years after the death of Captain Tyng, his estate in Milk street, 
two brick tenements in Fleet street, and a house, warehouse, 
and wharf, near Windmill Point, were advertised for sale. 
The valuable article on the Tyng family, in Aldetis Epitaphs^ 
II, 328, etc., may be materially augmented from our memoranda. 
Vaughan, TVilliam, was a son of Lieutenant-Governor George 
Vaughan of Portsmouth, New Hampshire. There has been 
occasion to speak of him and his agency in the previous pages 
of this history. He appears to have been a man of great enter- 
prise. In 1730 and 1731, having made a purchase of a fine 
mill privilege at the Fresh Falls on the Damariscotta, of per- 
sons who derived their title from Mr. John Brown, proceeded 



Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. 247 

to eredt mills there, and soon had two double saw-mills and a 
gristmill in operation. After the fall of Louisbourg he went 
to England to obtain some reward for his extraordinary services ; 
but, owing to some cause, he did not succeed. Perhaps, as he 
had no command in the expedition, his claim was disregarded. 
Although his services were well known to have been great, and 
important to the enterprise, he stood a small chance for 
remuneration among the hundreds of hungry army officers. 
He died in England in 1755. His death may have been 
hastened by neglefl: and disappointment. His brother, Elliot 
Vaughan, succeeded him at Damariscotta. By his will he gave 
Mercy, Jenny, and Mary Campbell a hundred acres of land 
each. Jenny Campbell became the wife of James Brown. 
The notice taken of William Vaughan by Dr. Dout^lass, 
undoubtedly requires considerable qualification: "A whimsi- 
cal, wild projedor in his own private concerns, entirely ignorant 
of military affairs, and of the nature of the defense or strength 
of a place regularly and well fortified at an immense expense ; 
dreamt or imagined that this place might be reduced by fifteen 
hundred raw militia, some scaling-ladders, and a few armed 
small craft of New England." The same author says scaling- 
ladders were sent with the expedition, but were found ten feet 
too short; but had they been long enough, no use could have 
been made of them. 

Fillers, George, died in the service, before the 24th of June, 
1746. At that date one Elizabeth Shute applied for considera- 
tion, showing that the widow of Villers was taken care of by 
her, and died in her house, but her claim was at that time 
rejected. The applicant was a widow, and resided in Boston. 
IValker, George, was of Arundel ; enlisted as a soldier in 



248 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appfndix. 

the Cape Breton expedition ; was sick at Boston several months. 
Five pounds were granted him. 

lFalke}\ JVilltam. Where he belonged is not stated in the 
records. All that is learned of him is given in the notice of 
Zebulon Preble. 

TFalter^ Nathaniel, clerk. We have before us "a memorial, 
shewing that in the late [Louisbourg] expedition, he had a war- 
rant from His Excellency William Shirley, Esq., as interpreter 
to General Pepperrell, in which capacity he passed through 
hard service, in translating papers, etc., both before and after 
the reduction of the place." What aftion was taken upon this 
memorial, if any, does not appear. Mr. Walter was pastor of 
the Second Church in Roxbury. He was son of the Rev. 
Nehemiah Walter, and his mother was Sara, daughter of the 
Rev. Increase Mather, D. D. His service in the Louis- 
bourg expedition does not appear to have been known to his 
descendants of this generation. 

IVard, Edward, Jr., was of Hingham. He volunteered to 
serve in the Louisbourg expedition. By a petition which he 
laid before the government of Massachusetts, it appears that 
one Thomas Lewis, also of Hingham, had by a forged order 
received a part of Ward's wages, enlisted into the service, and 
had gone to Annapolis. The government ordered nine pounds 
to be paid to Ward, and that Lewis be sent for, "that he may 
be brought to justice." 



It is remarkable how many men of distinftion served in 
America in this war, and that which immediately succeeded it. 
Commodore Anson was on his voyage round the world when 
France declared war against England ; that voyage, so dis- 



Appendix.] Sufftrers in the Loutsbourg Expedition. 249 

astrous to hundreds who participated in it. In one of Anson's 
ships, the Wager, cast away on the western coast of Patagonia, 
was a midshipman, mentioned in the narratives of that voyage 
as the Hon. John Byron, then a young man. The majority 
of the crew of the Wager succeeded in reaching the shore of 
what proved to be a desolate island. Of about one hundred 
and eighty souls, scarce twenty ever lived to reach their homes, 
the greater part having died from starvation and the exposures 
to which for months some, and years others were subjedted. 
Mr. Byron, with some twelve comrades, refusing to proceed 
with the majority of the survivors by the straits of Magellan, 
bent their way northward, hoping by this course to fall in with 
some Spanish ship which they might capture, and in it to reach 
an appointed rendezvous of their commodore ; but their 
numbers soon became too much reduced to admit of the enter- 
tainment of this idea, even by their fool-hardy captain. At 
length but four remained alive, among whom was the captain, 
whose name was Cheap, and Mr. Byron. These two, by the 
aid of the Indians, after some months of the most excessive 
sufferings, arrived at a Spanish settlement on the island of 
Chiloe. They now became prisoners to the Spaniards, who 
treated them kindly, furnished them with clothing and other 
necessaries, and finally they got back to England, by way of 
France, after about five years' absence. Byron soon after 
resumed his place in the British navy ; was made a captain in 
1746. In 1757 he commanded the America, a sixty gun ship, 
and afterwards the Fame, a seventy-four, in which he sailed to 
Louisbourg, with transports conveying engineers, etc., charged 
with the demolition of the famous fortification there, about 
which the English and French had fought so desperately. 
While at Louisbourg he learned that several French frigates 
Gg 



250 Sufferers in the Louis hour g Expedition. [Appendix. 

and storeships were lying in the bay of Chaleur, all of which 
he took or destroyed. He afterwards served under Lord Col- 
ville, and at one time under Sir Edward Hawk. He was 
governor of Newfoundland ; then an admiral ; commanded an 
exploring expedition round the world ; served during the war 
of the American Revolution; manoeuvred successfully with 
Count D'Estaing, and saved Admiral Harrington's command in 
the West Indies. This seems to have been among his last 
naval services. He married, in 1748, Sophia, daughter of John 
Trevanion, Esq., and died in 1786. Such was the grandfather 
of Lord Byron, one of the greatest poets of any time, whose 
singular career and fortune have given rise to one of the most 
lamentable and uncalled for crusades against his reputation to 
be found in the annals of scandal. 








APPENDIX E. 

Page 1 20. 

THE REV. JOHN NORTON. 

INTRODUCTION. 

|0 the narrative of the Rev. John Norton these pre- 
vious pages are indebted for many of the valuable 
facts detailed in them. After the manner of an 
older work, Mr. Norton entitles his " lEijt He* 
liernWll Captlte, being a narrative of the taking and carrying 
into captivity the Reverend Mr. John Norton, when Fort 
Massachusetts surrendered to a large body of French and In- 
dians, August 20th, 1746." " Written by himself." 

Mr. Norton's captivity was of one year's continuance, want- 
ing four days. His narrative was printed in 1748, in Boston, 
" and sold opposite the prison." Who the printer was, or the 
bookseller, is not mentioned. As Daniel Fowle kept in Queen 
street at this time, and the prison was in that street, where the 
court house now is, he was probably the printer. The author 
was perhaps his own publisher. He appears not to have had 
much pra£tice as a writer, but what is of more importance, he 
was evidently one of the most truthful, while the printer did 
not perform his part with much credit to himself, which might 
have been the occasion of his withholding his name to Mr. 
Norton's work. 

Mr. Norton was born in Berlin, Connecticut, 1716 ; gradu- 
ated at Yale College in 1737. Four years after, namely, in 



252 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

1741, he was ordained in Fall Town, since Bernardston, Massa- 
chusetts, and was the first minister in that town. Owing "to 
the unsettled state of the times," he continued in Fall Town 
but about four years ; the people had quite as much as they 
could do to maintain their families, while they were exposed to 
inroads of the enemy in a war already commenced. The 
statement of his having been settled at Deerfield in 1741, is 
probably incorredt. After his return from captivity he was 
installed pastor of the Congregational church in East Hampton, 
Middlesex county, Conne£ticut, November 30th, 1748, where 
he continued about thirty years, at which period he fell a victim 
to the small pox (March 24th, 17^8). 

Bernard's Town, at the time Mr. Norton preached there was, 
as just mentioned, called Fall Town. It was thus designated 
because it was granted to the soldiers, or the descendants of 
those soldiers who were in the fight with the Indians at the 
Great Falls in the Conne£ticut river. May i8th, 1676. While 
in captivity his wife applied to the government of Massachusetts 
for the wages due him as chaplain, and at one time received one 
pound sixteen shillings and six pence, then due, March 12th, 

J747- 

Mr. Norton was thirty years of age when taken prisoner ; 

and though he has given us a work full of valuable fadts, he 
evidently had had little experience in literary matters, and would 
have made his work much more valuable had he re-written it at 
a later day. But narratives of the kind of this of Mr. Norton's 
would not at the time of its publication, attradt the attention 
of the reading public. His immediate friends, and the friends 
of those in captivity with him, were about all who would take 
any interest in its publication. There was no charm of compo- 
sition about it. Its details are the dryest possible. Hence its 



Appendix.] Nortoti s Redeemed Capttve. 253 

circulation was of the most limited kind. This circumstance may 
account for its extreme scarcity, which scarcity probably extends 
back to within a very few years of its publication. Many of 
the most valuable works have been issued in small editions ; a 
few copies only bound or stitched up to meet the first demands 
of friends ; the rest are taken by the author into the country, 
perhaps in sheets, and eventually used for waste paper ; or 
possibly left on the printer's hands to meet a similar fate. Such 
cases are known to the writer. 



Norton's Redeemed Captive. 

Mr. Norton thus begins his " Narrative," &c. [3]* "Thurs- 
day, August 14, 1746, I left Fort Shirley,t in company with 
Dr. [Thomas] Williams, and about fourteen of the soldiers ; 
we went to Pelham Fort, and from thence to Captain Rice's, 
where we lodged that night. 

"Friday, the 15th, we went from thence to Fort Massachu- 
setts, where I designed to have tarried about a month. 

"Saturday, i6th. The doftor, with fourteen men, went off 
for Deerfield, and left in the fort. Sergeant John Hawks,J with 
twenty soldiers, about half of them sick with bloody flux. Mr. 
Hawks sent a letter by the dodlor to the captain, supposing 
that he was then at Deerfield, desiring that he would speedily 
send up some stores to the fort, being very short on it for 
ammunition, and having discovered some signs of the enemy ; 

*The figures thus enclosed denote the \ The same who was ambushed and 

original pagination of Mr. Norton's work, wounded at Fort Massachusetts, May 

•)■ In what is since the town of Heath, 9th, 1746. He had been a captive 

about eighteen miles north north west of among the Indians, and was recently 

Northampton, Mass. returned. 



254 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

but the letter did not get to the captain seasonably. This day, 
also, two of our men being out a few miles distant from the 
fort, discovered the tracks of some of the enemy. 

"Lord's day and Monday, 17th and i8th, we met with no 
disturbance, nor did we discover any enemy ; but the sickness 
was very distressing ; for though some began to amend, yet 
there were more taken sick. Eleven of our men were sick, 
and scarcely one of us in perfedt health ; almost every man was 
troubled with the griping and flux. 

"Tuesday, 19th. Between eight and nine o'clock in the 
[4] morning, when, through the good providence of God, we 
were all in the fort, twenty-two men, three women, and five 
children, there appeared an army of French and Indians, eight 
or nine hundred in number, commanded by Monsieur Regand 
de Vaudriile,* who, having surrounded the fort on every side, 
began with hideous acclamations to rush forward upon the fort, 
firing incessantly upon us on every side. Mr. Hawks, our 
officer, ordered that we should let them come without firing at 
all at them, until they should approach within a suitable distance, 
that we might have a good prospedi of doing execution. 

" We suffered them to come up in a body till they were 
within twenty rods of us, and then we fired ; upon which the 
enemy soon betook themselves to trees, stumps and logs, where 
they lay and fired incessantly upon us ; some taking opportunity 
to run from one tree and stump to another, and so drew nearer 
to the fort. This they did in a very subtle manner, running so 
crooked that it was very difficult to shoot at them with any 

* His real name was Pierre Fran9ois Cavagnal ; was born in Montreal, 8th 

Rigaud de Vaudreuil. He was brother February, 1704. He was living as late 

of the last French Governor of Canada, as 1770. See Morgan's Ctlehratcd Cana- 

the Marquis, Pierre Francois de Vaudreuil- tiianSy 46. 



Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 255 

good prospetSt of success, until we observed, that when they 
came to a stump, they would fall down ; which we observing, 
prepared to catch them there as they fell down by the stumps ; 
and this we did probably with success ; for they soon left off 
this method. About this time we saw several of the enemy 
fall and rise no more ; among which was the captain of the St. 
Francis Indians, who was one of the foremost, and called upon 
the rest to press on upon the fort. Sergeant Hawks got an 
opportunity to shoot him into the breast, which ended his days.* 
"At the beginning of the engagement, the General sent his 
ensign with his standard (which he, standing [5] behind a tree 
about thirty rods distant from the fort, displayed), the General 
also walked up the hill within about forty rods of the fort, where 
he stood and gave his orders ; but being discovered he had a 
shot or two fired at him ; upon which he moved off; but pre- 
sently after comes to his ensign, where, being discovered, he 
received a shot in his arm, which made him retreat with his 
ensign to their camp. 

" The enemy still continued to fire almost incessantly upon 
us, and many of them crept up within a dozen rods of the fort. 
We were straitened for want of shot. Several of our men 
being newly come into the service, and for want of bullet 
moulds, had not prepared for any long engagement, and therefore 
the sergeant ordered some of our sick men to make bullets, 
another to run some shot, having shot moulds. This put him 
upon taking particular notice of the ammunition, and he found 
it to be very short, and therefore gave orders that we should not 
fire any more than we thought necessary to hold the enemy 

* The name of this Chief does not ap- English recorded it. Though the St. Fran- 
pear to have been mentioned in the French cis tribe were represented at the treaties 
reports of the expedition, nor have the of 1735 and 1742, no names are given. 



256 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

back, unless when we had a very good opportunity and fair 
prospedt of doing execution ; so that we fired but little. We 
had sometimes very fair shot, and had success. We saw 
several fall, who, we are persuaded, never rose again. We 
might have shot at the enemy almost any time in the day, who 
were in open view of the fort, within fifty or sixty rods of the 
same, and sometimes within forty and less ; the officers some- 
times walking about, sword in hand, viewing of us, and others 
walking back and forth as they had occasion, without molesta- 
tion, for we dare not spend our ammunition upon them that 
were at such a distance. 

"Towards evening the enemy began to use their axes and 
hatchets. Some were thoughtful that they were preparing lad- 
[6] ders in order to storm the fort in the night ; but afterward 
we found our mistake, for they were preparing faggots in order 
to burn it. This day they wounded two of our men, viz, 
John Aldrich they shot through the foot, and Jonathan Bridg- 
man with a flesh wound the back side of his hip. When the 
evening came on the sergeant gave orders that all the tubs, 
pails, and vessels of every sort, in every room, should be filled 
with water, and went himself to see it done; he also looked to 
the doors, that they were made as fast as possible. He like- 
wise cut a passage from one room to another, that he might put 
the fort into as good a posture for defense as might be, in case 
they should attempt to storm it. He distributed the men into 
the several rooms. While he was thus preparing, he kept two 
men in the north-west mount,* and some in the great house, 
the south-east corner of the fort, to watch the enemy and keep 
them back. 

"I was in the mount all the evening; it was cloudy and very 

* A sort of watch box in an angle or corner of the fort, on the top of the wall. 



Appendix.] Norton s Redeemed Captive. 2157 

dark the beginning of the evening. The enemy kept a con- 
stant fire upon us, and, as I thought, approached nearer and in 
greater numbers than they had in the daytime. We had but 
little encouragement to fire upon the enemy, having but the 
light of their fire to direct us, yet we dared not wholly omit it, 
lest they should be emboldened to storm the fort. We fired 
buck-shot at them, and have reason to hope we did some exe- 
cution, for the enemy complained of our shooting buck-shot at 
that time, which they could not have known had they not felt 
some of them. They continued thus to fire upon us until 
between eight and nine at night, then the whole army (as we 
supposed) surrounded the fort, and shouted, or rather yelled, 
with the [7] most hideous outcries, all around the fort. This 
they repeated three or four times. We expected they would 
have followed this with a storm, but were mistaken, for they 
diredlly set their watch all round the fort ; and besides their 
watch they sent some to creep up as near the fort as they could, 
to observe whether any persons attempted to make their escape, 
to carry tidings to New England.* The body of the army 
then drew back to their camps; some in the swamp west of 
the fort, the other part to the south-east, by the river side. 
We then considered what was best to be done ; whether to send 
a post down to Deerfield or not. We looked upon it very 
improbable, if not morally impossible, for any men to get off 
undiscovered ; and therefore the sergeant would not lay his 
commands upon any to go; but he proposed it to several, 
desired and encouraged them as far as he thought convenient ; 
but there was not a man willing to venture out. So the ser- 
geant, having placed the men in every part of the fort, he 

* It seems odd at this day, that but writing of a locality in Massachusetts, 
little more than a hundred years ago, one should refer to it as out of New England 

Hh 



258 Norton's Redeetned Captive. [Appendix. 

ordered all the sick and feeble men to get what rest they could, 
and not regard the enemy's acclamations, but to lie still all night, 
unless he should call for them. Of those that were in health, 
some were ordered to keep the watch, and some lay down and 
endeavored to get some rest ; lying down in our clothes, with 
our arms by us. I lay down the fore part of the night. We got 
little or no rest, the enemy frequently raised us by their hideous 
outcries as though they were about to attack us. The latter 
part of the night I kept the watch. 

" Wednesday, 20. As soon as it began to be light the 
enemy shouted and began to fire upon us for a few minutes, 
and then ceased for a little time. The serg[8]eant ordered 
every man to his place, and sent two men xvp into the watch- 
box. The enemy came into the field of corn to the south and 
south-east of the fort, and fought against that side of the fort 
harder than they did the day before ; but unto the north-west 
side they did not approach so near as they had the first day, yet 
they kept a continual fire on that side. A number went up 
also into the mountain north of the fort, where they could 
shoot over the north side of the fort into the middle of the 
parade. A considerable number of the enemy also kept their 
axes and hatchets continually at work, preparing faggots, and 
their stubbing hoes and spades, etc., in order to burn the fort. 
About eleven o'clock, Thomas Knowlton, one of our men, 
being in the watch-box, was shot through the head, so that 
some of his brains came out, yet life remained in him for some 
hours. 

" About twelve o'clock, the enemy desired to parley. We 
agreed to it, and when we came to General De Voudriule, he 
promised us good quarter, if we would surrender; otherwise 
he should endeavor to take us bv force. The sergeant told 



Appendix.] NortoTi s Redeemed Captive. 259 

him he should have an answer within two hours. We came 
into the fort and examined the state of it. The whole of our 
ammunition we did not judge to be above three or four pounds 
of powder, and not more lead : and, after prayers unto God for 
wisdom and direftion, we considered our case, whether there 
was any probability of our being able to withstand the enemy 
or not ; for we supposed that they would not leave us till they 
had made a vigorous attempt upon us ; and if they did, we 
knew our ammunition would be spent in a few minutes time, 
and then we should be obliged [g] to lay at their mercy. Had 
we all been in health, or had there been only those eight of 
us that were in health, I believe every man would willingly 
have stood it out to the last. For my part I should ; but we 
heard, that if we were taken by violence, the sick, the wounded, 
and the women, would most, if not all of them, die by the 
hands of the savages ; therefore our officer concluded to sur- 
render on the best terms he could get, which were, 

"I. That we should be all prisoners to the French; the 
general promising that the savages should have nothing to do 
with any of us. 

"II. That the children should all live with their parents 
during the time of their captivity. 

"III. That we should all have the privilege of being ex- 
changed the first opportunity that presented. 

"Besides these particulars, the general promised that all the 
prisoners should have all christian care and charity exercised 
toward them ; that those who were weak and unable to travel, 
should be carried in their journey ; that we should all be allowed 



260 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

to keep our clothing; and that we might leave a few lines to 
inform our friends what was become of us.* 

"About three of the clock we admitted the general and a 
number of his officers into the fort. Upon which he set up 
his standard. The gate was not opened to the rest. The 
gentlemen spake comfortably to our people ; and on our peti- 
tion that the dead corpse might not be abused, but buried. 
They said that it should be buried. But the Indians seeing 
that they were shut out, soon fell to pulling out the underpin- 
ning of the fort, and crept into it, opened the gates, so that the 
parade was quickly full. They [10] shouted as soon as they 
saw the blood of the dead corpse under the watch-box •, but 
the French kept them down for some time, and did not suffer 
them to meddle with it. After some time the Indians seemed 
to be in a ruffle; and presently rushed up into the watch-box, 
brought down the dead corpse, carried it out of the fort, scalped 
it, and cut off the head and arms. A young Frenchman took 
one of the arms and flayed it, roasted the flesh, and offered 
some of it to Daniel Smeed, one of the prisoners, to eat, but 
he refused it. The Frenchman dressed the skin of the arm 
(as we afterwards heard) and made a tobacco pouch of it.f 
After they had plundered the fort, they set it on fire, and led 
us out to their camp. 

"We had been at their camp but a little time, when Mons. 
Doty, the general's interpreter, called me aside, and desired me 

* Mr. Norton accordingly wrote a brief enemies in this way; but instances of 
letter, which he placed upon the well the white people imitating them are rare, 
crotch. It was afterwards found by the It is probably true that some of the Ken- 
English. Its contents are given in the tuckians, in the war of 1812, were guilty 
history of this war, page 120. of such afts, after General Harrison's 

"I" It was no uncommon thing for the victory of the Thames, and perhaps at 

Indians to make use of the skin of their other times. 



Appendix.] Norton s Redeemed Captive. 261 

to speak to our soldiers, and persuade them to go with the 
Indians ; for he said the Indians were desirous that some of 
them should go with them; and said that Sergeant Hawks, 
myself, and the families, should go with the French officers. 
I answered him, that it was contrary to our agreement, and the 
general's promise ; and would be to throw away the lives of 
some of our men who were sick and wounded. He said, no; 
but the Indians would be kind to them ; and though they were 
all prisoners to the French, yet he hoped some of them would 
be willing to go with the Indians. 

"We spoke to Sergeant Hawks, and he urged it upon him. 
We proposed it to some of our men who were in health, 
whether they were willing to go or not, but they were utterly 
unwilling. I returned to Doty, and told him that we should by 
no means consent that any of our men should go with the 
Indians. [11] We took the General to be a man of honor, 
and we hoped to find him so. We knew that it was the man- 
ner of the Indians to abuse their prisoners, and sometimes to 
kill those that failed in traveling, and carrying packs, which we 
knew that some of our men could not do; and we thought it 
but little better for the General to deliver them to the Indians 
than it would be to abuse them himself; and had I thought 
that the general would have delivered any of our men to the 
savages, I should have strenuously opposed the surrender of 
the fort, for I had rather have died in fight, than to see any of 
our men killed while we had no opportunity to resist. He said 
that the general would see that they should not be abused ; and 
he did not like it that I was so jealous and afraid. I told him 
I was not the officer, but as he spake to me, so I had freely 
spoken my mind, and discharged my duty in it ; and he had no 
reason to be offended, and I hoped the general would not insist 



262 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

on this thing, but would make good his promise to all the 
prisoners. He went to the general, and after a little time the 
officers came and took away John Perry and his wife, and all 
the soldiers but Sergeant Hawks, John Smeed, and Moses Scott, 
and their families, and distributed them among the Indians. 
Some French officers took the care of the families, namely, 
Smeed's and Scott's ; and Mons. Demuy * took me with him, 
and M. St. Luc Lacornf took Sergeant Hawks with him ; and 
so we reposed that night, having a strong guard set over us. 

"Thursday, 21. In the morning I obtained liberty to go to 
the place of the fort, and set up a letter, which I did, with a 
Frenchman and some Indians in company. I nailed the letter 
on the west post. This [12] morning I saw Josiah Reed, who 
was very weak and feeble by reason of his long and tedious 
sickness. I interceded with the general for him, that he would 
not send him with the Indians, but could not prevail. I also 
interceded with the general for John Aldrich, who, being 
wounded in the foot, was not able to travel ; but the interpre- 
ter told me they must go with the Indians, but they should not 
be hurt ; and that they had canoes a little down the river, in 
which the weak and feeble should be carried. We then put 
up our things, and set on our march for Crown Point, going 
down the river in Hoosuck road. I was toward the front, and 
within about half a mile I overtook John Perry's wife ; I passed 
her. M. Demuy traveling apace. I spoke with her, and asked 
her how she did ? She told me that her strength failed her in 
traveling so fast. I told her God was able to strengthen her. 



* His name is variously written in the f Pierre de Chapt La Corne. He was 

French accounts, as De Muy, De Muyes, constantly employed till the fall of 

Dumui,etc.; he was a lieutenant in much Canada, and performed many exploits 

adtive service. against the English. 



Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 263 

In him she must put her trust, and I hoped she was ready for 
whatever God had to call her to. I had opportunity to say no 
more. We went about four miles to the place where the army 
encamped the night before they came upon us. Here I over- 
took neighbor Perry, which surprised me, for I thought he had 
been behind me with the French, but he was with the Indians. 
I asked him after his health. He said that he was better than 
he had been. I inquired after his wife. He said he did not 
know where she was, but was somewhere with the Indians ; 
which surprised me very much ; for I thought till then she was 
with the French. 

" Here we sat down for a considerable time. My heart was 
filled with sorrow, expeiSing that many of our weak and feeble 
people would fall by the merciless hands of the enemy. And 
as I frequently heard the [13] savages shouting and yelling, 
trembled, concluding that they then murdered some of our 
people. And this was my only comfort, that they could do 
nothing against us, but what God in his holy providence per- 
mitted them ; but was filled with admiration when I saw all 
the prisoners come up with us, and John Aldrich carried upon 
the back of his Indian master. We set out again, and had 
gone but a little way before we came up with Josiah Reed, 
who gave out. I expected they would have knocked him on 
the head and killed him, but an Indian carried him on his back. 
We made several stops, and after we had traveled about eight 
miles we made a considerable stay, where we refreshed our- 
selves, and I had an opportunity to speak to several of the 
prisoners ; especially John Smeed, and his wife, who, being 
near her time, was filled with admiration at the goodness of 
God in strengthening her to travel so far. 

"I saw John Perry's wife. She complained that she was 



264 Nortotis Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

almost ready to give out. She complained also of the Indian 
that she went with, that he threatened her. I talked with a 
French officer, and he said that she need not fear, for he would 
not be allowed to hurt her. Mons. Demuy, with a number of 
men, set out before the army, so I took my leave of her, fear- 
ing I should never see her more. After this Sergeant Hawks 
went to the general and represented her case to him. So he 
went and talked to the Indians, and he was kind to her after 
this. After we had traveled round the fields, I thought he was 
about to leave the river, which increased my fears. But I 
found out the reason ; for they only went to look some build- 
ings to plunder, and burn them. A little before sunset we 
arrived at Vandeverickes place, where we found [14] some of 
the army, who had arrived before us, but most of them were 
still behind ; and I had the comfort to see the greatest part of 
the prisoners come up : God having wonderfully strengthened 
many who were weak ; the French carrying the women. 
There were some few that tarried behind about two miles, 
where Mrs. Sneed was taken in travail : And some of the 
French made a seat for her to sit upon, and brought her to the 
camp, where, about ten o'clock, she was graciously delivered of 
a daughter, and was remarkably well. The child also was 
well. But this night Josiah Reed, being very ill, either died of 
his illness, or else was killed by the enemy ; which, I could 
never certainly know, but I fear he was murdered.* 

" Friday, 22. This morning I baptised John Smeed's child. 
He called its name CAPTIVITY. The French then made a 
frame like a bier, and laid a buck skin and bear skin upon it, 

* It might not have been perfeftly dear the captives, that the man died of his 
to Mr. Norton when he wrote the above, malady. No captives were probably ever 
but it was made clear after the return of treated better under similar circumstances. 



Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 26c 

and laid Mrs. Smeed, with her infant, thereon ; and so two 
men at a time carried them. They also carried Moses Scott's 
wife and two children, and another of Smeed's children. The 
Indians also carried in their canoes, Br. Simon and John Aldrich 
and Perry's wife, down the river about ten miles. 

" We had remarkable smiles of Providence. Our men that 
had been sick, grew better and recovered strength. The 
enemy killed some cattle which they found in the meadow ; so 
that we had plenty of fresh provisions and broth, which was 
very beneficial to the sick. I then expressed a concern for 
the feeble people, understanding that we were to leave the 
river, and travel through the wilderness near sixty miles ; but 
Mons. Demuy told me I need not fear, for the general had 
promised those Indians a reward who [15] had the care of the 
feeble persons, if they would be kind and carry them through 
the journey. 

" This night I visited most of the prisoners. This night, 
also, died two Indians of their wounds. The enemy had got 
four horses. 

" Saturday, 23. This morning the general sent off an offi- 
cer with some men to carry news to Canada. This day we 
left the river and traveled in the wilderness, in something of a 
path, and good traveling for the wilderness, something east of 
north, about fifteen miles ; the French still carrying Smeed's 
and Scott's wives and children ; the Indians finding horses for 
brothers Simon and John Aldrich. Perry being released from 
his pack, was allowed to help his wife, and carry her when she 
was weary. About three in the afternoon they were alarmed 
by discovering the trails of a scout from Saratoga. This put 
them into a considerable ruffle, fearing that there might be an 
army after them. But I presumed that they need not be con- 
Ii 



266 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appkndix. 

cerned about it. The body of the army lodged between two 
ponds, but part, with a number of the prisoners, were sent 
forward about two miles, till they crossed Sarratago river ; * it 
is there twenty rods wide, but shallow water. This night also 
died two more Indians of their wounds. 

" Lord's day, 24. This day we set out in the morning and 
came to Sarratago river, crossed it, and came to our company, 
which had been before us. Here we came to a rich piece of 
meadow ground, and traveled in it about five miles. We had 
good traveling this day. We crossed several pieces of good' 
meadow land. We went about eighteen [16] miles. John 
Perry's wife performed this day's journey without help from 
any. Our sick and feeble persons were remarkably preserved 
to-day ; for about two o'clock in the afternoon, there fell a 
very heavy shower of rain, which wet us through all our 
clothes. Mrs. Smeed was as wet as any of us, and it being 
the third day after her delivery, we were concerned about 
the event ; but through the good providence of God, she never 
perceived any harm by it, nor did any other person but Miriam, 
the wife of Moses Scot, who hereby catched a grievous cold. 
This night we lodged in the meadow, where was a run of 
water, which makes a part of Wood Creek. 

" Monday, 25. This morning we set out and traveled about 
eleven miles. We had something rough traveling to-day. 
We quickly left the small stream we lodged by at our right 
hand to the east of us, and, traveling a few miles over some small 
hills and ledges, came to a stream running from east to west,"!" 

* This was doubtless the Hudson river, j- Hence they were at a stream which 

but the place of crossing is difficult to be falls into Laice George j having its rise in 

ascertained. The tivo ponds do not ap- the vicinity of Wood Creek j the latter 

pear on any maps in the editor's posses- having its rise in Kingsbury, near the 

sion. Ed. Hudson. The Indian name of Lake 



Appendix.] Norton s Redeemed Captive. 267 

about two or three rods in width, and about two feet deep. 
_ We crossed it, our general course being north. We traveled 
about two or three miles farther and came to a stream running 
from south-west to north-east, about six rods in width, which 
we crossed. And this stream (which we suppose to be Wood 
Creek*), according to the best of my remembrance, and 
according to the short minute that I made of this day's travel, 
we left at our right hand to the east of us ; but Sergeant Hawks 
thinks I am mistaken, and that we crossed it again, and left it 
at the left hand, west of us. I won't be certain, but I cannot 
persuade myself that [17] I am mistaken.f The French and 
Indians helping our feeble people, we all arrived well at our 
camp, which was by a couple of ponds. Some few who were 
before us went to the drowned land. J 

"Tuesday, 26. This day we took our journey. Our 
course in the morning something west of north. In traveling 
about three or four miles we came to a mountain, a steep 
ascent, about eighty or one hundred rods, but not rocky. After 
we passed this mountain, our course was about west, five or six 
miles, till we came to the drowned lands. When we came to 
the canoes, the stream ran from north-east to south-west.§ 
We embarked about two o'clock ; the stream quickly turned 

George is Caniad-eri-oit, signifying the Creek. Ed. 

tail of tbt lake. It is the Lac du Sacre- J These extend some three miles along 

ment of the French. Wood Creek the South River on the east side, beginning 

Indians called Ojm™^«. £^. near Lake Champlain. The Indians call 

* No doubt that branch of Wood them Ond-cri-^ue-gon, or the conflux of 

Creek which falls into the main stream waters. Easier' s Map, drawn by order of 

at what is since Fort Anne — the summit Gen. Amherst, 1762. Ed. 
level of the Champlain canal. Ed. § East Creek corresponds to this ; now 

t Their difficulty seems to have been called Pawlet river, I suppose, -which has 

in mistaking a branch for the real Wood its rise in -what is Dorset, Vermont. Ed. 



268 Norton s Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

and ran to the north. We sailed about eighteen or twenty 
miles that night, and encamped on the east side of the water. 

" Wednesday, 23. [27th.] We embarked about nine o'clock, 
and sailed to Crown Point,* something better than twenty 
miles. Some of the army went in the night before, and some 
before the body of the army. The sails were pulled down, 
and the canoes brought up abreast, and passed by the fort over 
to the north-east point, saluting the fort with three volleys, as 
we passed by it. The fort returning the salute by the dis- 
charge of the cannon. This was about twelve o'clock. Here 
we tarried till the 4th of September. I lodged in an house on 
the north-east point. We all arrived better in health than when 
we were first taken. 

" Thursday, 28. This day I was invited by Monsieur 
Demuy to go over and see the fort, which I did. It is some- 
thing an irregular form, having five sides [18] to it ; the ram- 
parts twenty feet thick, the breast work two feet and half; the 
whole about twenty feet high. There were twenty-one or 
twenty-two guns upon the wall ; some four and six pounders, 
and there may be some as large as nine pounders. The citadel 
an oflagon built, three stories high, fifty or sixty feet diameter, 
built with stone laid in lime, the wall six or seven feet thick, 
arched over the second and third stories for bomb proof. In 
the chambers nine or ten guns ; some of them may be nine 
pounders, and I believe none less than six, and near twenty 
patararoes.f But as my time was short I cannot be very par- 

* The French built a fort there in j- How much of a^a» a /■arurarcir was, 

1 721, which they named Fort St. Frederic, it would have been well if the author had 

The Indians gave that spot the name of informed us, as we may travel from 

Tck-ya-dough-nigarigee, which signifies Blount to Webster without finding out. 

two points opposite to each other. Bas- Perhaps derived from the Spanish ^fMr^yo, 

tier J ibidem. Ed. or, fataremo. Editor. 



Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 269 

ticular. They have stores of small arms, as blunderbusses, 
pistols and muskets. This night proved very cold and stormy. 

" Friday, 29. This morning Smeed's and Scot's families 
were brought out of their tents into the house, that they might 
be more comfortable. It rained and was very cold all the day, 
and at night the wind was very high. 

" Saturday the 30th was something warmer. 

"Lord's day, 31. We had the liberty of worshiping God 
together in a room by ourselves. This day, about twelve 
o'clock, the enemy who went off from us from Hoosuck, the 
morning after we were taken, returned, and brought in six 
scalps, viz, Samuel Allen, Eleazer Hawks, Jun., two Amsdels, 
all of Deerfield ; Adonijah Gillet of Colchester, Constant Bliss 
of Hebron, and one captive, viz., Samuel Allen, son to him 
who was killed. He was taken with his father and Ealeazer 
Hawks. The Amsdells and Gillet were killed in Deerfield 
South Meadow, August 25th. The Indians also acknowledged 
they lost one man there.* This lad [19] told us they had not 
then heard in Deerfield of their taking fort Massachusetts. A 
young Hatacook f Indian was his master, and carried him to 
St. Francois. 

"Monday, Sept. i. Tuesday, 2. Wednesday, 3. We 
tarried still at Crown Point. The weather was something 
lowry, but warm. I lived with the general and about half a 
dozen more officers, who lodged in the same house. Our diet 
was very good, it being chiefly fresh meat and broth, which was 
a great benefit to me. We had also plenty of Bourdeaux wine, 
which being of an astringent nature, was a great kindness to 
me (having at that time something of the griping and bloody 

^ See History of the Fife Tears fVur^ j- Perhaps a misprint for Scattacook. 
pp. 1-5, 1-6. Ed. Editor. 



270 Norton's Redeetned Captive. [Appendix. 

flux). While we lay here, we wrote a letter to the Hon. John 
Stoddard, Esq., at Northampton, to give him a particular 
account of our fight and surrender ; as also some other private 
letters; the French gentlemen giving us encouragement that 
they would send them down by some of their scouts to some 
part of our frontiers, and leave them so that they should be 
found ; but I have not heard of them since, and conclude that 
they destroyed them.* 

" Thursday, 4. We embarked for Canada about ten o'clock, 
and sailed about fifteen miles. Our course, I judged to be 
north, about 10° east, which I take to be the general course 
from Crown Point to Champlain. Towards night we turned 
into a cove, the east side of the lake, and encamped, having 
the land upon the south-west, south and east of us. Here we 
were to wait for General De Vaudriule, whom we left at Crown 
Point, and expedted would come to us this night or in the morn- 
ing ; but the night proved very stormy. 

[20] "Friday, 5. The wind blowing hard from the north, 
and some rain, we lay by to-day. 

" Saturday, 6. About nine o'clock this morning the general 
came up with us ; then we embarked and sailed with a pretty 
good wind the bigger part of the day. Towards night we saw 
a few houses on the west side of the lake, but I suppose that 
they were deserted. We sailed at least three score miles this 
day. We came to where the lake was but a ic-w miles in width, 
and encamped on the east shore, where there was a windmill 
and a few houses, but were all deserted. f 



* One certainly found its way to the j- No doubt the place afterwards called 

English, and was seen by Deacon Wright. Windmill Point by the English, and not 

See N.E. Hist, and Gen. Rcg.y II, 210. far from the mouth of Onion river. 

Editor. Editor. 



Appendix.] Nortou' s Redeemed Captive. 271 

Lord's day, 7. We rose early and set sail as soon as it was 
fair day-light, having a good wind, but the wind fell about eight 
o'clock, that they were obliged to ply their paddles. When we 
came to the end of the lake, about eleven o'clock, and were 
entering Champlain * river, we met a boat with three men in it, 
who brought a packet of letters for the officers in the army. 
They gave one to Mons. Demuy. After reading the letter he 
told me the news he had by them, viz., that there were a number 
of ships arrived from France to Quebec, who had brought them 
plenty of stores ; that they came in company with a fleet of 
forty large men of war from the Brest and Toulon squadron ; 
and gave the following account ; that the English fleet having 
blocked up the Brest squadron in the harbor, the admiral of the 
Brest squadron wrote to the admiral of the Toulon and Roch- 
fort squadrons to come to his assistance ; who, coming on the 
back of the English fleet, and the Brest squadron issuing out at 
the same time against them, there ensued a terrible [21] fight, in 
which the French prevailed, and sunk one-half of the English 
ships, and put the rest to flight, and then they sailed for North 
America ;f that the King sent with them twelve merchant 

^ Chambly or ChambUe river is un- coast until the beginning of September ; 
doubtedly meant j called also RichetieUy and then in too shattered a condition to 
arid Sorely by the French. Further on be feared. His fleet of men of war and 
the same error is noted, where the author transports amounted to about ninety- 
speaks of Champlain fort. He did not seven sail j fourteen were ships of war, 
distinguish between ChaTfiplain :ini Cham- with three thousand five hundred troops. 
Hee. Ed. His fleet was watched by the English, 

f There appears to have been abso- and some of his ships taken. Capt. Leke 

lutely nothing out of which this great took one of sixty-four guns ; Saumarez 

fabrication was made. It refers to the one of sixty-four j Boscawen one of fifty, 

mighty fleet under the Due D'Anville, and so forth. The other French squad- 

which was then in mid ocean, it having ron referred to was probably that of M. 

left Brest on the 22d of June (1746), De Tourmell. Saumarez was with Anson 

but did not appear on the New England in his late voyage round the world. Ed. 



272 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

ships with stores of ammunition, clothing, wine, and brandy, 
and a thousand soldiers to strengthen Canada ; that the men of 
war were divided into two fleets, one of which did now block 
up Louisbourg, and were fighting against it, and the other part 
of the fleet was gone for Boston. He said their King was very 
angry with New England for their taking Cape Breton ; and it 
was probable he would bring them into subjedtion. He told me 
also that they brought news that Edward Stuart, the Pretender's 
youngest son, was in the North of England, and had a powerful 
army ; and that great numbers of English resorted to him daily,* 
and it was probable he would prevail to dethrone King George. 
I told him that, as for this and the fight at sea, I had good 
reason to think they were false, for I had news from England 
since the Brest fleet had sailed out, and there was no account of 
these things, but the contrary. He told me also that Prince 
William, the Duke of Cumberland,t was killed in battle at 
Culloden-Muir, and that he was the only person of the House 
of Hanover which the English nation loved ; so that although 
the King's army got the victory, yet it was a loss to his interest ; 
for the Duke being dead, the English nation would revolt from 
the House of Hanover, being weary of it, and turn to the 
House of Stuart. But I told him that the Duke of Cumber- 
land was yet alive, and as he had been a scourge and terror to 
the King's enemies, so we had reason to hope he would still be. 
He grew warm in his debate, called the King [22] a usurper, 
the nation in bringing of him in, Cromwell's faftion, and many 

* This, though guess-work, was much f William Augustus, brother of George 

nearer the real state of the case than the II. He died sine prole, 1765. He put 

other part of the story. They probably down the Pretender, but showed himself 

had heard of the defeats of the King's quite as much of a barbarian as those 

men at Falkirk Moor, Inverness, etc. whom he conquered. Ed. 
Editor. 



Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 273 

other things, upon which we had a considerable debate, until he 
grew more mild and began to flatter ; and told me what an 
amiable man the Pretender was, and what good times it would 
be if he came to the throne of England; giving free liberty of 
conscience to all his subjedts ; and he did not doubt but that 
they would return to the church of Rome, which was the true 
church. Our children, he believed, would come to a good 
union in religion. 

" We went on shore at the first house, about three miles above 
the fort,* where they were called together, and said their 
prayers ; and as soon as they had done, Mons. Dumuy read his 
letter. Upon which they all shouted, crying, Vive le Roy : 
q. d. Let the King live. Upon which several of the young 
men came laughing to me, and by signs endeavored to inform 
me what the news was. I concluded that these fine tales were 
framed and sent to meet the army, in order to keep up the 
courage of the common people and of the Indians, who seemed 
to repent ot their engaging in the war, and to grow very weary 
of it. Though I found afterwards that the Brest fleet was 
aftually come over, with a design against New England. 

" From thence we traveled down to Champlain,t where the 
gentlemen set up their tents, and we had great numbers to visit 
us of both sexes. There I expeded we should have tarried 
that night. But a little before the sun setting, M. Dumuy 
came and ordered his canoe's company to embark, and go down 
the river ; and told me I must go with them, and whatever I 
stood in need of, his people would [23] give me : And indeed 
I wanted nothing ; having good fresh provisions and plenty of 
wine to drink ; but was something surprised at this sudden 

* C/iamWi-c, or perhaps more probable, f Chamblee. The author perhaps had 
Fort St John. no maps to refer to. 

Kk 



274 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

remove, and could never know the reason of it, unless it was 
this, viz, some of the French and Indians going out from 
Crown Point, while I lay there, fell on a number of our men 
near Saratago ; had killed some and taken some prisoners, and 
were come to Champlain with one of them ; and they wanted 
to get what news from him they could, and so chose to get me 
out of the way, and some others, lest we might give him a cau- 
tion ; and he really wanted a caution, for he told them that 
which he had better have kept to himself, viz, the miserable 
circumstances of Sarrtago fort.* 

" We sailed down the river about three miles, and lodged at 
a poor man's house, who, according to his ability, was courteous 
to me. I lodged with him in his own bed, which was the first 
bed I had lodged in since my captivity ; and though it was a 
hard bed, and destitute of linnen, yet it was very comfortable 
to me. 

" Monday, 8. This morning there came an Englishman to 
see me ; his name Littlefield. He was taken a lad from Pis- 
cataqua, and so continued with the French and lived, having a 
family at Champlain. f We had a considerable discourse 
together. About eight o'clock we embarked ; some canoes 
passing down the river on the opposite side. We sailed over 
the river and met with Mons. Dumuy and took him in. We 
sailed down the river about fifteen miles and dined with a priest. 
The country on Champlain \ river appeared very poor ; it being 
cold sour land. It is inhabited on each side, but the buildings 
are [24] generally but poor huts. This day Mons. Dumuy 

* This affair is mentioned in the Par- were great sufferers In the earlier Indian 

titular History of the Fi've Tears ff^ar, wars. See Penhalloiu^ Iniiian Wars, pp. 

page 127. 44, 47, 71. 

•j- Persons of the name of Littlefield J Chamblce. Ed. 



Appendix] Norton s Redeemed Captive. 275 

tells me another piece of news, viz, ' that one of their men of 
war had taken an English man of war near Louisbourg, after 
a whole day's engagement ; that the blood was midleg deep 
upon the Englishmen's deck when he surrendered.' I told him 
they fought courageously. He said, ' True, but they were 
taken notwithstanding.' He said ' they had taken three hun- 
dred and twenty men out of her, who were coming up to Que- 
bec, where I should meet them.' This was nothing but the 
Albany sloop, one of the men of war's tenders, which Governor 
Knowles sent with a packet from Louisbourg for Boston. 
There were but seventy men in her. She was taken by a 
French man of war near Jebufta. About two o'clock it began 
to rain, and continued a cold rain all the rest of the day. We 
sailed down the river between thirty and forty miles, and then 
carried over our canoes and packs across the land to St. Law- 
rence, which was about three miles ; and we came to it above 
Lozel,* and there we lodged that night, in a French house. 

" Tuesday, 9. This morning being something lowery, we 
did not set out very early. The wind was northeasterly and 
pretty high. About nine o'clock we set sail up the river for 
Montreal. It was good sailing. We dined at a French 
gentleman's house on the eastern shore. There was an Irish 
dodtor came and dined with us — his name O'Sullivan. He 
pretended a great deal of respeft for me, and compassion 
towards all the prisoners ; a great deal of friendship to the 
English nation, and especially for the House of Hanover ; and 
he inquired after the state of Scotland, and pretended to rejoice 
that the Duke of [25] Cumberland had got such a victory over 
the Pretender and the rebels. But I presently found he grew 
weary in hearing the particulars ; and therefore to mortify him 

* Sorrsl is doubtless the place meant. The outlet of Lake Champlain. Ed. 



276 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

the more, I told him all that I could;* then we set sail and 
went within about five miles of Mount Real. The weather was 
something tedious, and it rained in the afternoon. 

"Wednesday, 10. This morning it rained very hard till 
near ten o'clock, about which time the general and some others 
passed by us, and we embarked direftly upon it, and arrived at 
Mount-Real about twelve o'clock. 

" Mons. Demuy took me to the Governors. He said but little 
to me. He only told me, that for the time I tarried at Mount- 
Real, I should keep at Mons. Demuy's, but that after a few 
days he must send me with the rest of the prisoners, to Quebec. 
I went with Mons. Demuy, and was courteously entertained 
by him for the time I tarried at Mount-Real. In the afternoon 
came an Englishwoman to visit me. She was, I judged, between 
sixty and seventy years of age. She was taken when a child 
from Merrimack-River. Her name Hannah Rie. She had 
been married to a Frenchman, by whom she had four children, 
three sons and one daughter. Her daughter was married and 
had several children, and came to see me. I saw also one of 
her sons. She had been a widow about fourteen years, but 
was under very comfortable circumstances. There was another 
Englishwoman came to see me, who was taken from the east- 
ward, but I have forgot both her name and place where she 
was taken from. 

"Friday [Thursday], 11. This day I tarried at Mons. 
Demuy's, where the Major of the town visited me. He told 
[26] me that he married an Englishwoman whose name was 
Storer.f She was taken when a child by Indians, from Pisca- 

* The author appears to have suspedled j- Mention was often made of child- 

Dr. O'SuUivan's sincerity with no good ren being carried off by the Indians, 

reason, judging from anything which he without any family being named; as in 

tells us. Editor. this case : "1710. This summer, four 



Appendix.] Norton s Redeemed Captive. 277 

taqua ; that one of his sons was down at the taking of us. 
Mrs. St. La Germine, one of his wife's cousins, who was also 
taken with her, came with the major, and was able to discourse 
in the English tongue. She told me that the Rev. Mr. Storer* 
of Watertown was her brother, and that she wanted to hear 
from her friends ; but I was not acquainted with any of them. 

" Friday, 12. This day, about two o'clock in the afternoon, 
we embarked in boats, and set sail for Quebec, and sailed down 
the river about five leagues. There were all that were taken 
with me but six men who were yet with the Indians, and John 
Perry's wife, who was at the Three-Rivers. There were also 
four Dutch with us, who were taken near Sarratago. We 
lodged in a house upon the north-west side of the St. Law- 
rence's river. 

"Saturday, 13. This day we had a fair wind, and sailed 
down the river twenty-five leagues, when we arrived at the 
Three Rivers. We went into an inn. The general and some 
others of the gentlemen which went down with us, presently 
went out to the Governors, leaving only their soldiers to guard 
us. And after a little time the Governor sent for Sergeant 
Hawks and me to come and sup with him. Accordingly we 
went, and were courteously and sumptuously entertained by 
him ; and while we sat at supper the gentlemen fell into dis- 
course about the wars, and about the wounds they had received. 
The general's wound was discoursed upon, and the Governor 
desired Sergeant Hawks to show his scars, which he did. The 

children are taken at Exeter while at play," Discourses^ 12. He died Nov. 27, 1774, 

Belknap (Farmer's edition), 178. Ed. ae. 72. A. B. Fuller's Record. He was 

* The Rev. Seth Storer was ordained born in Saco, the son of Col. Joseph 

at W., 22 July, 1724. Francis, jS. The Storer. Allen. Benjamin Storer was killed 

author speaks of notes in Mr. Storer's old at Wells, April 12, 1677. Huhbard. 

Almanacs, which he had seen. Three Editor. 



278 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

Gover[27]nor then informed us of a fight he had been in at 
sea in former wars, in which he received fifteen wounds, and 
he shewed us several scars. This I thought was a very 
remarkable thing, that he should receive so many wounds, and 
yet have his life spared. This night John Perry's wife was 
also brought to us, and added to our number. 

"Lord's day, 14. We set sail, but received little help from 
the wind. The soldiers were obliged to row the greatest part 
of the day ; but at night, the tide favoring of us, we sailed till 
two or three o'clock in the morning. We sailed in the day 
and night twenty-three leagues. Then we went on shore the 
north-west side of the river, and lodged at a house in a small 
village. 

"Monday, 15. This day we sailed seven leagues and came 
to Quebec. We were landed at the east point of the town, 
where St. Lawrence meets with Loretto,* and were conducted 
up by a number of soldiers through the lower town to the 
Governor General's, f where I was taken into his private room, 
and he desired me to tell him what news we had in New Eng- 
land. I told him of considerable news we had from Europe 
concerning the Duke of Cumberland's vidtory over the rebels. 
He seemed to have a great mind to persuade me that the Duke 
was killed, but I told him he was alive and well. I told him 
of several other pieces of news, but none very good for the 
French. He told me he had heard that we designed an expe- 
dition against Canada. He asked what there was in it. I told 

* A small village of Christian Indians, converts here, resembling that in the 
three leagues north-east of Quebec. It famous Italian sandtuary. These con- 
has its name from a chapel built accord- verts are Hurons. Aiorse. Ed. 
ing to the model of the Santa Casa at f Roland Michel Barrin, Count de la 
Loretto in Italy ; from which an image Galissoniere was at this time Governor of 
of the Holy Virgin has been sent to the New France. Ed. 



Appendix.] Norton s Redeemed Captive. 279 

him that I lived at a great distance from Boston, and could say 
but little about it. I had heard that his Majesty had sent over 
to some of the governors in America, that he had thoughts of 
an ex[28]pedition against Canada, and would have them in 
readiness to assist him, in case he should send a fleet over. He 
inquired what it was that had put it by. Something, he said, 
was the matter. I told him I could not tell ; so he seemed to 
be pretty easy. 

" After this I was conduded to the Lord Intendants, who 
inquired also after news, both of me and Sergeant Hawks ; 
after which he gave us a glass of wine ; then we were con- 
duced to the prisoner's house, which is a guard-house standing 
by a battery towards the south-west end of the town, about 
one hundred and fifty feet in length, and twenty in width, and 
two stories high ; and we made to the number of one hundred 
and five prisoners. Here we had the free liberty of the exer- 
cise of our religion together, which was matter of comfort to 
us in our affliftion. Sergeant Hawks and myself were put into 
the Captain's room, where we found three English masters of 
vessels, viz, Mr. William Chapman of Maryland, Mr. James 
Southerland * of Cape Cod, and Capt. William Potef of Casco 
Bay, who had all been prisoners near sixteen months. 

" Tuesday, 16. This day there came some gentlemen to 
see me, among whom was Mr. Joseph Portois, who under- 
stands the English tongue, and Mr. Pais, who, Mr. Portois told 
me, was his kinsman, and that he was a protestant, and came 

* The name of Southerland or Suther- -j- He belonged to Portland j went there 

land is of rare occurrence in New Eng- from Marblehead j had seven sons j built 

• land records. It occurs but twice in the the two story house near Woodford's 

twenty-three volumes of the New Eng. Corner on the old road from Portland. 

Hist, and Gen. Register^ and then with See Willis, Portland^ 637, where other 

no reference to a Cape Cod residence. Ed. interesting particulars may be found. Ed. 



28 o Norton s Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

on purpose to see me, and to shew me a kindness. He gave 
me twenty-four livres in cash. From this time to the 23d, 
there was nothing remarkable happened, only this : — that the 
Jesuits and some unknown gentlemen, understanding I was 
short on it for clothing, sent me several shirts, a good winter 
coat, some caps, a pair of stockings, and a few handkerchiefs, 
which were very acceptable. 

[29] " Tuesday, 23. Capt. William Pote was taken ill with 
the fever and flux. Jacob Reed was also taken with the same. 
This day came into prison two of our men who had been with 
the Indians, viz, David Warren, and Phinehas Forbush, who 
informed that John Aldrich was in the hospital at Mount-Real. 
They informed us, also, concerning some other prisoners who 
were taken from New England, and with the Indians. 

" Wednesday, 24. There came unto prison forty-three new 
prisoners, who were taken at sea by a couple of French men of 
war. Among whom was Mr. William Lambert, master of the 
Billinder,* one of the men of war's tenders, who was taken 
near Jebudla, as she was going from Louisbourg to Boston, and 
Zephaniah Pinkham, master of a whaling sloop from Nan- 
tucket ; and John Phillips, master of a fishing schooner from 
Marblehead. 

"Thursday and Friday, 25, 26. There came in about seventy- 
four prisoners, all taken at sea by the aforesaid men of war ; 
among whom were several masters of vessels. This day f 
there also came in Jacob Shepherd, who was taken with me, 
and had been with the Indians, and one widow Briant, taken 
the spring before, near Casco Bay. There was nothing further 

* Properly Bylavder. A coasting ves- j- Oiftober I, Jacob Shepard, of West- 

sel, so named as expressive of its along- borough, taken at Hoosucic, was brought 

shore use. I do not know why it is not to prison. 0(5lober 3, Jonathan Bather- 

in the dictionaries. Ed. ick was brought to prison. Ho-zvj 19. Ed. 



Appendix.] NoftoTi s Redeemed Captive. 281 

remarkable in this month ; so that we were by this time 
increased to the number of two hundred and twenty-six. 

" Lord's day, Oftober 5. There came in seventeen prison- 
ers, viz, three of our men, Nathaniel Hitchcock, Stephen Scot, 
and John Aidrich ; two taken by Indians at the Eastward, viz, 
Richard Stubs,* and Pike Gordon ; and twelve from the Bay 
Verde. 

" Lord's day, 12. There came twenty-four men taken at 
sea by the Lazora and Le Castore men of war. 

[30] " Wednesday, 22. I sent a petition to his lordship the 
General of Canada or New France, to permit me to go home 
to New England, upon a parole of honor, setting me a suitable 
time, and I would return again to him ; but I could not prevail. 
" Thursday, 23. Edward Cloutman and Robert Dunbar, 
two prisoners, broke prison and made their escape. But it was 
found out the next morning, and we were upon it threatened to 
be confined to our rooms, but this threatening was never 
executed ; the only consequent in respedt to us was to have a 
stricter guard kept about us ; but they sent out a number of 
men in pursuit after them.f 

"Friday, 31. Mr. Phillips and Mr. Pinkham, with about a 
dozen of their men, went out from us in order to return home ; 
but they went by the way of the West Indies. J 

" Here I shall speak of the sickness that prevailed among 
the prisoners. It had generally been very healthy in the prison 
before this fall ; for though there had been some prisoners there 
sixteen months, and about fifty nine months, yet there had but 

* Taken at New Casco. Ihidcm. and brought ten scalps to Montreal. 

Odt. 19. Six seamen are brought to pri- Ho'W, 19. 
son. Oft. 20. Jacob Read died. Ibidem. J They may have been exchanged. 

f Oft. 27. A man was brought to pri- The author seems not to have known on 

son, and says the Indians took five more, what terms they went away. EJ. 

Ll 



282 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

two died ; the first, Lawrence Platter.* He was taken at 
Sarratago, Nov. 17, 1745, and died the winter following. 

Johnes,t taken at Contoocook in the summer, 1746, and 

died in August following. 

" But our people who were taken at sea by the two French 
men of war, viz, the Lazora and Le Castore, found a very mortal 
epidemical fever raged among the French on board their ships, 
of which many of them died. The prisoners took the infec- 
tion, and a greater part of them were sick while they lay [31] 
in JebucSa J harbor; yet but one or two of them died of it. 
And when they set out from thence for Menis, some of them 
were sick, and some they left sick at Menis when they set out 
for Canada. Some of them were taken with the distemper 
upon their passage to Canada, and so brought the infedtion into 
the prison ; and the fever being epidemical, soon spread itself 
into the prisons to our great distress. 

" Those who brought it into the prison mostly recovered, 
and so there were many others that had it and recovered ; but 
the recovery of some was but for a time, — many of them 
relapsed and died. It put me in mind of that text, Jude, ver. 
5, ' I zvill therefore put you in rememhrance., tho' ye once kneiv this, 
how that the Lord having saved the people out of the Land of Egypt, 
afterwards destroyed the?n that believe not.' Not that I have any 
reason to think ill of those upon whom the sickness fell, and 
who died with it. Many of them, I hope, were truly pious 
and godly persons. I thought we might very properly take up 
the Lamentation of Jeremiah, Lam. 1,18. ' The Lord is 

"" Plajfer is probably the name in- | Chebudlto, a bay and harbor on the 
tended. See Particular History^ 86, 87, S. S. E. coast of Nova Scotia. Near its 
where will be found an account of the head, on the west side, is Halifax, set- 
depredation in which he was taken. Ed. tied by the English in 1749. See IWorse, 

I 1 liomas Jones. Sec Ibidem, ^^. Ed. Gazcticer, ei. 1797, art. Chebucto. Ed. 



Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 283 

righteous^ for I have rebelled agaimt his commandment. Hear I 
pray for you., all people., and behold my sorrozv. M\ virgins and 
my young men are gone into captivity.^ Ver. 20. ' Abroad the 
sword devour eth., at home there Is death.' 

" Monday, 20. Jacob Reed died. He was taken at Gor- 
ham-Town, near Casco Bay, April ig, 1746.* 

"November i. This day died John Reed, son to Jacob 
Reed, deceased. He had been a soldier in Annapolis, and was 
taken near the fort by some Indians, May 9, 1745. 

" Nov. 10. Died one Davis, f a soldier belonging [32] 

to the King's forces at Louisbourg. He was taken on the 
island of St. John's, July loth, 1746. 

"Nov. 13. Died John Bingham. He belonged to Phila- 
delphia, and was taken at sea. May 22, 1745. 

"Nov. 17, died Nathan Eames.| He belonged to Marl- 
borough in the province of the Massachusetts Bay, was taken 
with me at Fort Massachusetts, August 20, 1746. 

" Nov. 18. Died at night, Andrew Sconce. He was taken 
near Albany, August 17th, 1747. 

" Nov. 20. Died John Grote of Sheneftada. He was 
taken April 27th, i746.§ 

"About this time II there came into prison two men who 
were taken at Sheepscot in the eastward. Their names Robert 
Adams and John McNeer. They were taken OcSober 20th. 

* See Particular History^ etc., page a Nathaniel, who died, he says, Jan. 1st, 

90. Editor. 1746. Ed. 

j" John Davis, and he died Nov. 9. ^ On the same day, Mr. Norton mar- 

H01V, 19. ried the two captives, Leonard Lydle and 

\ He was doubtless a descendant of Mrs. Sarah Briant. His reason for not 

Thomas Eames of Sudbury, who was so mentioning it in his narrative may be 

great a sufferer in Philip's war. Barry conjectured. Kd. 
(in his Framingham^ has no Nathan, but |j November 19th. Hoiv, 19. 



284 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

They informed that one of their neighbors, named Anderson, 
was then killed.* 

" The sickness increasing and spreading itself so greatly, we 
sent a very humble petition to his Lordship, the Governor 
General, intreating that the sick might be removed out of the 
hospital, least the whole prison should be infe6ted ; but he 
refused to send our people to the hospital, for they told us that 
their hospital was full of their own sick ; yet he did not wholly 
negleft our petition, but ordered that one of the most conveni- 
ent rooms in the prison should be assigned for the sick, where 
they should all be carried, and have their attendance, and this 
was directly done, and the sick were all brought in.f 

" Nov. 24. Died John Bradshaw. He belonged to Capt. 
Donahew. He was taken when Capt. Donahew was killed at 
Canso, June 29th, 1745. He was wounded when taken, but 
recovered of his wounds ; soon fell into a consumptive way, 
and died of it. 

[33] " Nov. 28. Died Jonathan Dunham. He was taken 
with Capt. Pote near Annapolis, May 17th, 1745. He died 
after eight or ten days sickness. 

" Nov. 29. Died William Bagley.J He was master of a 
vessel taken at sea. May 29th, 1746. 

"December i. Died Gratis Vanderveriske, after a tedious 
sickness of six or seven weeks. He belonged to Sarratago, 
was taken by the enemy, November 17th, 1745. 

" Dec. 6. Died Pike Gordon. He was taken from Bidde- 
ford, September 5th, 1746 ; was sick eleven days, and all the 
time deprived of his reason. 

* Nov. 22. The abovesaid Anderson's \ How has this under the same date : 

uncle was brought to prison. Hoiti, i<). " Capt. Bailey of Almsbury died." Bjg- 
I Jonathan Dunham died. Hotv, 20. Icy is probably the right name. 



Appendix.] Norton s Redeemed C apt he. 285 

"Dec. 7. Died Martha Quaquinbush, a girl taken at Sar- 
ratago, Nov. 17th, 1745. She had a long and tedious sickness; 
what it was is uncertain.* 

"Dec. II. Died Mirriam the wife of Moses Scott. She 
was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts. She got a cold in 
her journey, which proved fatal, her circumstances being 
peculiar. She was never well after our arrival at Canada, but 
wasted away to a mere skeleton, and lost the use of her limbs. 

"Dec. 15. Died John Boon. He was taken at sea. May 
ist,t 1746. He died of a consumption; belonged to Devon- 
shire in England. 

"Dec. 18. Died Mary Woodwell, wife to David Wood- 
well, J of New Hopkinton on Merrimack river. She lay in a 
burning fever about a fortnight. She was taken captive, April 
27th, 1746. 

" Dec. 23. Died Rebecca the wife of John Perry. She 
was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts, August 20th, 1746. 
Her illness was different from all the rest. She had little or no 
fever ; had a cold, and was exercised with wrecking pains until 
she died. 

" Dec. 24. I was taken with the distemper ; was seized 
with a very grievous pain in the head and back [34] and a 
fever ; but I let blood in the morning, and took a good potion 
of physic, and in a few days another ; so that I soon recovered 
again. 

" Dec. 26. Died Wm. Daily of New York. He belonged 
to Capt. Rouse's ship, and was taken upon St. John's Island, 
July loth, 1746. He had a very long and tedious sickness ; 

* She was ten years of age. Hoiv. J See Particular History, etc., p. 92, 

■}- One of Capt. Robertson's lieutenants where will be found some particulars of 
died. Hozv. her singular vicisitudes of fortune. 



286 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

several times he seemed to be in a way to recover ; but took 
relapses, till he was worn out. He swelled in his neck and 
side of his face, and mortified. 

" January 2, 1 746-7. Died Thomas Atkinson of Lanca- 
shire in England ; was taken at sea. May, 1745 ; his sickness 
very tedious about eight or nine days before his death. 

"Jan. 3. Died Jonathan Hogadorn. He belonged to the 
county of Albany, and was taken on a scout near Fort Ann, 
Nov. 1 6th, 1745 ; had a long and tedious sickness of more 
than two months continuance.* 

"The sickness thus increasing, there were many taken sick, 
which I do n't pretend to mention. The sickness also got into 
the prison-keeper's family. He lost a daughter by it, the 4th 
instant. Upon this the Governor ordered a house to be pro- 
vided for the sick, where they were all carried the 12th instant, 
about twenty in number, with three men to attend them ; and 
after this, when any were taken sick, they were carried out to 
this house. 

" Jan. 12. Died at night, Francis f Andrews, of Cape Ann. 
He was taken at sea, June 24, 1746, and died of the bloody 
flux, after a tedious spell of it. 

"Jan. 15. Died at night, Jacob Bagley,J of Newbury, 
after about two days sickness. He was taken at sea, May 
26th, 1746. 

" Jan. 27. Died Guyart Brabbon,§ of Maryland, after ten 
weeks sickness ; taken at sea. May 22d, 1745. 

* Jan. 4. The Rev. Mr. Norton was J How, ihidim, gives the fa(S thus : 

so far recovered from sickness that he Jacob BaUy, brother of Capt. Bailey 

preached two discourses from Psal. 60, 1 1. aforesaid, died. 

f How, p. 20, gives the name Phincas ^ Giat Braban, Capt. Chapman's car- 
Andrews, penter. IhiJem. 



Appendix.] Nortoti s Redeemed Captive. 287 

[35] "Jan. 23. Died Samuel Lovet, after near a month's 
sickness. He was taken with me.* 

" Feb. II. Died in the morning, Moses Scot, son to Moses 
Scot. He was a child of about two years old, and died with 
the consumption In the afternoon died Wm. Galbaoth,t a 
Scots-man. He was taken at sea, April 4th, 1746 ; was sick 
about a month before he died. 

" About this time I had another turn of illness. I had a 
grievous pain in my head and back. The dodor blooded me, 
and advised me to go to the hospital ; for, he said, I was going 
to have the distemper, but, by careful living, I soon recovered, 
and escaped the distemper. 

" Feb. 23. Died Richard Bennet. He belonged to Capt. 
Rouse's ship, and was taken at the island St. Jon's, July loth, 
1746. He belonged to the Jerseys, and had a long and tedious 
sickness. 

" Feb. 24. Died Michael Dogan, an Irishman. He listed 
at Philadelphia, a soldier for Louisbourg, and was taken in his 
passage by a French man of war. He had been sick, and 
recovered, but took a relapse the 20th instant. 

"March, 1747. The fore part of this month our people 
were generally better in health than they had been, and we 
were in hopes the distemper would abate ; yet there was a 
number sick. 

"March 5. We had news from Nova Scotia, that the 
French, under the command of Mons. Ramsey, had fallen 

* He was son of Major Lovet of Men- treat to Quebec, viz., John Sunderland, 

don. Hoio, 20. John Smith, Richard Smith, William 

t Prmted Garivaf, in Ho-w, p. zo. Scot, Philip Scofil, and Benj. Tainter, 

Feb. 15. My nephew, Daniel How, and son to Lieut. Tainter of Westborough. 

six more were brought down from Mon- Hoii>, 20-1. 



288 Norton' s Kedeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

upon an English army at Minis, had killed one hundred and 
thirty-three, and had taken four hundred prisoners ; but the 
truth I suppose was, that they had killed about seventy, and 
taken about as many more. 

" March i8. Died Thomas Magra, an Irishman. He was 
taken in the Billinder. His sickness was very short. 

[36] "March 21. Died John Fort, servant, a Dutchman. 
He was taken on a scout near Fort Ann, November i6th, 
1745. He died of a consumption. The same day died Samuel 
Goodman of South Hadley. He was taken with me at Fort 
Massachusetts, and died of the scurvy. 

" March 29. Died Mary, the wife of John Smeed, after a 
tedious sickness of about eight weeks ; was taken with me. 

" April 7. Died John Smeed, Jun. He was taken with me 
at Fort Massachusetts. He was seized with the distemper in 
Odtober last, and was bad for a time, and then recovered in 
some good measure, and after a little time relapsed, and as he 
did several times, till at last he fell into a consumption, of 
which he died. 

" April 8. Died Philip Scaffield. He belonged to Pennsyl- 
vania soldiers, was taken near Albany, October, 1746. His 
sickness was short, but his fever very violent. 

" April 10. Died John Jordan, master of a vessel taken at 
sea, June ist, 1746. He came sick into prison, but seemed to 
recover ; and so had frequent relapses till he died. He belonged 
to the Bay government. 

" The same day died Antonio, a Portuguese. He was taken 
in the English serxice, and so always kept confined. His sick- 
ness was short. 

"April 12. Died Amos Pratt. He was taken with me. 
He had a hard turn of the Fever in November and December, 



Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 289 

but recovered ; was taken again the latter end of March, and 
so continued till he died. 

"April 13. Died Timothy Cummings. He was taken near 
George's fort, where he belonged. May 22d, 1746. His sick- 
ness was short but very tedious. 

"April 16. Died John Dill. He belonged to Nantaskett ; 
was mate of a sloop, and taken at sea, near Jebudla, May 29th, 
1746. His sickness was upon him about ten days before his 
death. 

[37] "April 17. Died Samuel Evans of Newbury. He 
was taken at sea with Capt. William Bagley. He had a fort- 
night's sickness. 

"April 18. Died Samuel Vaughn,* one of Capt. Rouse's 
men, taken at St. John's, July loth, 1746. He belonged to 
Plymouth in New England. He was sick about eight days 
before his death. 

"April 27. Died Joseph Denning of Cape Ann, master of 
a fishing schooner, taken at sea, June 24th, 1746. He was 
exercised with purging the greatest part of the winter, and was 
worn out with it and died. 

" April 30. Died Susanna Mc Cartees, infant child. 

"The 28th of this instant, when the prisoners were all con- 
fined in their rooms, but one or two in the lower room cook- 
ing the pot, the prison house took fire. It began on the ridge. 
We supposed that it catched by sparks lighting upon it. It 
being very dry, and something windy, it soon spread upon the 
house, and we could not come at it, having no ladder, to quench 
it. There were no lives lost, but many lost their bedding and 
clothing. 

" We were conduced by a strong guard to the governor's 

* Printed in Hoiv\ NarralivCy page 21, Vcnkon. 

Mm 



290 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appfndix. 

yard, where we were kept till near night, when we were con- 
cluded to the back of the town to the old wall, in a bow of 
which they had set up some plank tents something like sheep's 
pens. We had boards flung down to lay our beds upon, but the 
tents generally leaked so much in wet weather, that none of us 
could lie dry, and had much wet weather this month. 

" The gentlemen of our room sent in a petition the beginning 
of May, that they might be removed to some more convenient 
place. Upon which we had a house built for us in the prison- 
er's yard, about twenty feet square, into which we were removed 
the 23d instant. This was something more comfortable than 
the tents. In this yard we were confined, having the wall 
behind it and at each end, and the fort side picketed in, and a 
guard of about twenty men to keep us in both by day and night. 

"N.B. I should have observed that several prisoners were 
brought into prison before this; as Feb. 15th, there came in 
seven men from Mount-Real, taken the summer before. [38] 
In March there came into prison a Dutchman from Schanec- 
tada, and a woman from Saratago. 

" April 26th, there came into prison, three persons taken some 
time before at Saratago, and Jonathan Williamson, taken at 
Wiscassett, at the eastward, April 13th, 1747.* 

* Probably an error, and should be delivered at Quebec on the 26th follow- 
1746, unless this was the second time ing, it was rather a short time (thirteen 
Williamson was a captive. His place was days) in which to take him through the 
at Broad Bay, and Smith says — Jour- wilderness, judging from what is stated 
nal,^z — news came to Falmouth, May respefting the tedious journeyings of 
21 (1746) that "the Indianshad burntall Indian captives of that time. Nehemiah 
the houses at Broad Bay." Sullivan says. How also records the arrival of William- 
page 168, that he returned out of cap- son, and How died May 25th following; 
tivity the next year {1748). Williamson hence this reduces the journey to twelve 
lived at Broad Bay, and was doubtless days, if Williamson was taken in 1747. 
taken when the place was destroyed. If Circumstances seem to authorize the cor- 
he were taken on the i 3th of April, and redion we have made. Editor. 



Appendix.] NortoTis Redeemed Captive. 291 

" May 9. Died Sarah, the relift of VVm. Bryant. She was 
taken at Gorham Town, near Casco Bay, April 19th, 1746. 
Her husband and four of her children were then killed ; one 
escaping. She was taken sick the ist of May. 

"May 13. Died Daniel Smeed, a young man. He was 
taken with me, and was son to John Smeed. He was first 
taken sick in November, and by frequent relapses was worn 
out, and fell into a purging, by which he wasted away and died. 

" May 14. Came into prison John Larmon, taken at Dama- 
scota, in the eastward, by eleven Indians, April 27th, 1747, and 
informed that his wife and daughter were killed by them. 

"May 15. Died in the morning Christian Tedder,* of 
Schenedtada, taken May 7th, 1746. He was taken sick about 
the beginning of this month. 

" The same day died Mr. Hezekiah Huntington, son to Col. 
Huntington of Norwich in Connecticut. He was taken at sea, 
June 28th, 1746. He was well beloved and much lamented by 
all sober religious persons.! 

" This day also died Joseph Gray of Maryland. He was 
taken by sea, May 22d, 1745. A likely young man. Thus 
we had three likely young men taken from us in one day. 

"May 17. Died Captivity Smeed, an infant about nine 
months old, daughter to John Smeed. 

"May 18. Died Samuel Martin of Lebanon in Conne£ti- 
cut ; a likely young man, taken at sea. His sickness short. 

" This day there came into Quebec, a schooner and sloop 
from Martineco. In their passage they took a sloop bound 
from Philadelphia to Antigua, and brought in four of her men. 
This day came up three prisoners from Bay Verde, viz., George 

* Hrj'W has the name Fether. \ See Particular History^ p. 97. EJ. 



292 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

Schavolani, Zechariah Hubbard, and a Negro, and three from 
the frontiers of New England. 

"May 19. Died Samuel Burbank, of New Hopkinson, an 
old man, taken April 22d, 1746.* The same day died Abra- 
ham Fort, son to John Fort, deceased, taken near Fort Ann, 
November i6th, 1745. 

[39] " May 20. I was taken ill with a grievous pain in my 
head, and a sore eye, that I was almost blind with it. The 
2 1st I yielded to be sick. Capt. Roberts and Capt. Williams 
were also both of them very sick, being taken a few days before 
me. This day I was blooded, having something of the fever. 
The 23d I was blooded again ; the dodlor also gave me a bottle 
of eye-water, and advised me not to be concerned about the 
fever, I was sensible they did not apprehend how ill I was. I 
intreated of him to give me a potion of physic, which he did, 
the 25th, and it worked very well. In the night I fell into a 
sweat, and was in hopes it would go off, but I was sadly dis- 
appointed, for I grew worse the next day. My reason departed 
from me, and returned not, until the 14th of June. Part of 
this time I was given over by every one that saw me. I had 
the nervous fever, and was very much convulsed. I was ex- 
ceeding low and weak when I first came to myself, but I 
recovered strength as soon as could be expected ; for, by the 
24th of June, I got out, and went into the chamber. 

"May 21. Died Robert Williams. He belonged to Eng- 
land, and was taken at sea. 

" May 22. Died Nathaniel Hitchcock of Brimfield. He 
was taken with me. 

* See Particular History^ page 92, died two children, who were put out to the 

where the circumstances of the attack on French to nurse." How, 22. Mayig,he 

Hopicinton are detailed. " At the same mentions receiving a letter from Major 

time [the death ofMr. Burbank happened] Willard, which is his last entry. Editor. 



Appendix] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 293 

" May 25. Died Mr. Nehemiah How, of No. 2, aged 
about fifty-six; taken at Great Meadow, Odober nth, 1745.* 

" May 26. Died Jacob Quaquinbush, and Isaac his son, 
both taken at Sarathtoga, November 17th, 1745. 

" May 30. Died Jacob Shepherd, a pious young man, well 
beloved and much lamented. He was taken with me. 

"June 3. Died Robert David Roberts of Dartmouth, in 
England, master of a snow, taken at sea. May ist, 1746. 

" June 10. Died John Pitman of Marblehead, of the scurvy, 
taken at sea, May 27th, 1747. 

"June 12. Died Abraham De Grave of Sechanedada, 
taken 0£l., 1746. 

"June 17. Died Samuel Stacy, taken at Menis, Feb., 1746, 7. 

" June 20. Died William Nason of Casco Bay, taken at 
Menis, February, 1746, 7. 

" June 30. Died Matthew Loring, taken at sea, May 29th, 
1746. 

[40] " This month there came into prison several prisoners; 
first, there were three prisoners brought from Mont Real, two 
of which were taken at Sarratoga, Feb. 22d, 1746, and one 
from Canterhook, April loth, 1747. One man killed; at the 
same time a woman and child captivated with him. 

" June 5. Came in two men taken at Pemaquid. There 
were twelve men killed when they were taken. 

"June II. We had an account from the French, that they 
had taken a number of Indians and Dutch, who had first done 
some mischief in Canada. There was about fifty in the whole 
scout, and they had taken about ten or twelve of them in this 

* An account of his captivity was pub- ColltB'wn of Indian Capti-viiUs, 1839. See, 
lished in 1748, and republished in Drate^s also, Particular History, 85. Ed. 



294 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. 

month. There came also thirty-six prisoners from Nova Scotia, 
most of which were taken at Menis, February, 1746, 7. 

"July 2. Died Archibald Gartrage, a child, and son to 
Charles Gartrage, aged nine months. 

" July 4. Died William Prindle, a Louisbourg soldier, a New 
England man originally, taken at St. John's, July loth, 1746. 

" July II. Died Corporal William Norwood. He belonged 
to his Majesty's troops which came from Gibraltar to Louis- 
bourg, taken at St. John's, July loth, 1746. 

"July 16. Died James Doyl. He was taken at sea. May 
29th, 1746. 

" The same day died Phinehas Forbush, of Westboro', taken 
at Fort Massachusetts with me. He was a very likely man. 

"July 21. Died Jonathan Brigman, of Sunderland. He 
was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts. 

" July 25. We came on board the ship Verd Le Grace,* 
which the governor of Canada sent with a flag of truce to 
Boston. The 27th we set sail for New England, at ten in the 
morning. August ist we came in sight of Cape Breton Island. 

"August II. Died on board our flag of truce, Nicholas 
Burt. He belonged to the West of England, and was taken at 
sea. May ist, 1746. Died in captivity, in all, seventy-three. 

"August 16. We arrived at Boston. The sick and infirm 
were taken to the hospital. Col. Winslowt sent to me and 

* The ship Vierge-de-GrQce [Hand- William, 1756; councillor of the Pro- 
some Virgin], Captain Larregni. See vince, etc., etc. ; died in Hingham, 1774, 
N. T, Col. Docs., X, 118. Ed. aged seventy-two. In the Neivs-Lctter 

j* Probably John Winslow, of the fourth of 5 June, 1760, is this notice: ** In 

generation from Governor Winslow of Capt. Watts came passenger General 

the Mayflower. He was in the calami- Winslow, who was welcomed ashore and 

tous Cuba expedition of 1740; in the congratulated by a great number of peo- 

Nova Scotia expedition of 1755, and pie, upon his return to his native coun- 

general and commander-in-chief at Fort try." Editor. 



Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 295 

desired me to come and tarry with him while I continued in 
Boston. I thankfully accepted it, and was courteously enter- 
tained. This was a day of great joy and gladness to me. 
May I never forget the many great and repeated mercies of 
God towards me." 

End of the Redeemed Captive. 



POSTSCRIPT.— In the account of Capt. Rouse, given 
ant€^ pages 24.0-3 — in noticing the antiquity of the name of 
Rouse — the following interesting fadts would not have been 
inappropriate. In one of the first voyages made into the West 
Indies by Capt. Francis Drake, namely, in the year 1572, he 
met there one Capt. Rouse. In the first published account of 
that voyage the name is spelt Rause; and in a later edition, 
sometimes Rause and sometimes Rawse. These spellings might 
lead one to suppose the original may have been Ross. But Sir 
William Davenant, who lived near Sir Francis Drake's time, 
and wrote a play which he entitled the History of Sir Francis 
Drake, in which he introduces Drake's companions, uniformly 
writes the name of this one. Rouse. Hence it is presumed that 
Ross and Rouse are distinft names ; and that Drake's companion 
was Rouse, and not Ross. Davenant printed his play in 1659, 
" Represented daily at the Cockpit in Drury-Lane at Three 
Afternoon Pundlually." Perhaps some American Rouse may 
find himself a descendant of the old freebooter of 1572; if so 
he may derive satisfadtion in this note, if not in his progenitor. 




APPENDIX F. 

Page I 60. 

HE following observations and criticisms on the 
affairs of the period of this war, admirably exhibit 
the condition of the country, the circumstances of 
the people, and the impressions upon their minds as 
to the conduct of their rulers. They are extrafted from the 
close of Mr. Doolittle's Memoirs^ as well an adl of justice to 
him as for the reasons before stated. It should be remembered 
they were written before the war had fairly closed. 

" The following remarks are easy and natural from the pre- 
ceding history: 

" 1st. What a great difference there is between our managing 
a war and our enemies. The most we do is to defend ourselves 
at home ; but they are for an offensive war. And it is true if 
they have any they must have this ; for a defensive war they 
can have none with us : for not a man of ours has seen a 
French settlement all this war, except such as were carried cap- 
tive or went with a flag of truce. 

"2dly. It is a rare thing we can obtain an Indian scalp, let 
us do what spoil we will upon them ; so careful are they to 
carry off and conceal their dead. For at Fort Massachusetts, 
where, it is probable, near sixty * have been killed, never have 
been found more than three scalps, which shows us that our 

* The number killed at the siege and the English at the time. But the be- 
died of their wounds. It seems incredibly siegers showed uncommon daring, and 
large, too, in view of what was said by were numerous. 



Appendix.] Concluding Observations. 297 

men will not venture out after the enemy on any scalping aft 
whatsoever. Our men will not venture their lives and service, 
on such uncertain encouragements ; * if they should be much 
greater than ever they have been. The like is demonstrated at 
Number Four, where they have killed so many of the enemy, 
never a scalp could be recovered. f 

" 3dly. We may observe, of how much importance the 
enemy judge those two forts, at Number Four, and Hoosuck, 
to be to us. Hence their repeated endeavors to destroy them ; 
which they would not do, were they not advantageous to us, and 
in their way in coming upon us. And it shows how much it 
must encourage our enemies for us to give up either of them. 

" 4thly. We may observe, how safely the enemy can draw 
off when they have done mischief. I think but one instance | 
has there been all this war of our pursuing and overtaking the 
enemy to do any spoil on them, and there are many reasons for 
it : One is, that no body may move till an account is sent to 
the chief colonel ; and then men must be mustered, which takes 
so long a time that there is no possibility of our taking them. 
Another reason is, that we never have men near, equipped to 
pursue them in the woods ; and when they have gone a few 
miles in the woods, they are discouraged and return home. 

" 5thly. It is observable, that the continual changing of 
schemes renders all measures for the war unsuccessful. Before 
any one single scheme is tried, it is flung up, and nothing ever 

* As the bounty offered by the govern- \ The author probably has reference 

ment for scalps. Ed. to Capt. Melvin's expedition j or perhaps 

f Because the defenders in the garrison to that of the Mohawlcs, of November, 

durst not venture out for fear of being cut 1746. However much the English were 

off by some in ambush, as they had too accustomed to the woods, the Indians 

often experience. Ed. were far more at home there. Ed. 

Nn 



298 Concluding Observations. [Appendix. 

prosecuted to advantage : There is scarcely any one scheme 
of more than six months continuance. 

" 6thly. We may observe, that when the Province have 
voted any number of men for a particular service, by that time 
the commissary can furnish the men with their provisions, their 
time is expired ; and this was the case the summer past : * it 
took the greater part of the summer to supply the garrisons 
with provisions ; they were so scarce : And the soldiers who 
were designed as scouts towards Crown Point, were a good part 
of their time employed in guarding provisions to the forts. 

" ythly. It is observable to all who know the state of these 
frontiers, that there is not due provision made to furnish the 
men out on any occasion after the enemy. There is neither 
bread nor meat, shoes, blankets, etc., that a number of men 
may take on any sudden occasion. They have their bread to 
bake, their meat to cook, and other things to get, when they 
should be on their march if And so long as this is the case 
the enemy never need fear our annoying them when they have 
distressed us. 

" 8thly. It is observable, that all this war we have never kept 
men in the woods towards Crown Point, to discover their large 
bodies coming down upon us, and give notice of an approaching 
enemy : So that they came securely, week after week, upon 
us ; yea, we have since found that the enemy have camped 
several months within thirty or forty miles of Fort Dummer. 

" gthly. Another thing observable, is the great temptation 
soldiers have to be unfaithful in the service. For there is no 
distindtion made, as to their wages, between a soldier in an old 
town, one in a garrison, and one marching in the woods ; who 

* The summer of 1748. Ed. many men were lost on the 4th of May, 

•|- This was specially the case when so 1746. See Potter's Minc/jwcr, 221. Ed. 



Appendix.] Concluding Observations. 299 

when he is in the woods, wears out as many clothes as his wages 
will procure, besides all his hardships and sufferings. Soldiers 
therefore choose to lodge in the garrison ; and think hard if they 
must be kept in the woods, when others have as much pay in 
old towns, who eat and lodge well.* 

" lothly. We differ much from the French with respedt to 
the war. They will not give men commissions, 'till they have 
been out in the war and done some spoil on their enemies. If 
the like method was prafticed with us, there would be fewer 
commissions ; and more, it is probable, would be done on the 
enemy, in order to obtain them. But so long as no regard is 
had to this in promoting of men, we cannot expefl men will 
exert themselves as they ought to do. 

" iithly. The reader may observe, how much the people in 
the western frontiers must be distressed by the war, and how 
falsely they judge, who think the war is an advantage to them. 
Their case is most distressing. The repeated alarms take them 
off from their business, day after day, for forty or fifty miles 
together ; and the reader is to observe, that in the preceding 
history, there is mention of great number of times of the 
enemy being seen and shot at, both in the night and day time ; 
and of their setting open gates, and turning creatures into fields 
to devour crops. It was not the design of the author to give 
you an account of the people's losses, but o{ the mischief done. 
If any envy the inhabitants in the frontiers their portion, they 
may come and take their lot with them. 

* Wages in those days were very small, general, £5 ; clerk, jEi 12s.; chaplain, 

A common soldier had about £1 5s. a £4 loj.j captain of artillery, £9; lieut. 

month; a sergeant, £1 12s.; a corporal, of artillery, £4 los.; gunners, £2. This 

£1 8s.; a captain, £4 los.; a ifiajor, list of wages was made up with reference 

£8 los.; colonel, £10; brigadier-general, to the Louisbourg expedition, and was 

£15; a surgeon, £4105.; a surgeon- somewhat modified subsequently. Ed. 



300 Concluding Observations. [Appendix. 

" I2thly. It ought to be observed, that great injustice is done 
the inhabitants in the frontiers, in pressing them out of their 
business into the Province service, either to follow the enemy 
or convoy stores, and not rewarding them suitably. They are 
sent out day after day, with their horses, and have not half so 
much per day as they must give a man to labor for them in the 
mean time. 

" Lastly, we may observe, that in this war, as we increased 
in our number of men in our forts or scouts, the enemy have 
increased their numbers ; and the longer the war continues, the 
oftener they come, and the more bold they grew ; which shows 
us what we must expert, if the war breaks out anew ; especially 
at this time, when there is no provision made for men in our 
frontiers." 

END. 



* If the people on the frontiers sup- frontiers probably grumbled because they 

plied the contractors with certain arti- had not an opportunity to profit by the 

cles, those able to supply them doubtless war. There can be no such thing as an 

were benefited. Those away from the equality of burthens in war. Ed. 



INDEX. 



A BANAQUES, of St. Francis, 34, 
■ii- 36-38,89,111,127,148,151. 

Abbot, , killed, 171. 

Abercrombie, James, 25. 
Acadie, origin of name, 51, 
Adams, Robert, a captive, 132, 283. 
Aix la Chapelle, treaty of, 172. 
Albany, in peril, 27, 28, 37, 39 ; Indian 
conference at, 53, 63, 84, 113; men 
killed near, 98. 
Alden, Timothy, 211, 241, 246. 
Aldrich, John, a captive, 119, 256, 262 j 

carried on Indian's back, 263. 
Alexander, Capt., shoots a Frenchman, 

152. 
Algonkins, join the French, 36, 39, 41, 

89. 
Allen, Benjamin, 227 ; Elijah, killed, 

loi j Joseph, ih.f 229. 
Allen, Samuel, 93, 126, 153. 
Allen, William, 12, 15. 
Allen, Zebulon, captured, 146. 
American Magazine, 47, 48, 58. 
Ames, Jacob, severe light, 156, 157. 
Amherst, Jeffery, Gen., 25, 210. 
Amrusus, husband of Eunice Williams, 

86. 
Amsden, Oliver, killed, 125. 
Amsden, Simeon, killed, 125. 
Anderson, James, captured, 84 j killed, 

132, 284. 
Anderson, Samuel, captured, 84. 
Anderson, John, captured, 154. 

Andrews, , wounded, 1 55 j Francis, 

dies, 286. 
Anson, George, Com., 154, 248, 249, 

271. 
Annapolis, .ittenipted, i^i;; relieved, ^7. 



Antonio, , dies in prison, 288. 

Argall, S., expedition to Canada, 51. 
Armadas, notice of, 129. 
Arresuguntoocooks, treaty with, 176. 
Ashley, Jonathan, 11. 
Ashuelot, since Keene, 78, 93, 96, 115 ; 

attacked, 143, 149, 150. 
Askmacourse, harbor, 66. 
Athol, man killed at, 117; Indian name, 

rlfiJfm 
Atkinson, Theodore, 176; Thomas, dies, 

286. 
Attenkins, number of, 34, 37. 
Auchmuty, Robert, 22 j Samuel, Sir, 

22, 23. 
Aussaado, a Weweenock chief, 176. 

Avery, , captured, 158; Oliver, 

wounded, 153. 
Avery's Garrison, some killed at, 158. 

BABCOCK, John, captured, 157. 
Bacon, Quartermaster, wounded, 
loi ; Ebenezer, wounded, 227. 
Bagley, Jacob, dies in prison, 286. 
Bagley, William, dies in prison, 284. 
Baker, James, killed, 109. 

Ball, , killed, 158. 

Bancroft, George, 16. 

Bane, David, 227 ; Joseph, iiiJcm. See 

Beane. 
Barber, John W., cited, 11. 
Baron, Timothy, a soldier, 228. 
Barrington, Samuel, Admiral, 250. 
Bassiere, should be Brassier, which see. 
Batherick, Jonathan, a captive, 280. 
Beaman, John, captured, 109, no. 
Bean, or Beane, John, killed, ii6j Ste- 
ven, Thomas, 228. 



302 



Index. 



Beard, Robert, killed, 149. 
Beatson, R., cited, 47. 
Beauharnois, M. de, 33, 76. 

Becket, , Captain, 66, 67. 

Bedford, men ambushed there, 88. 
Belden, Aaron, killed, 171. 
Belknap, J., cited, 109, 215, 277. 
Bell, John, armourer, 228. 
Bemis, Edward, armourer, 228. 
Bennet, Moses, Captain, 2285 Richard, 

113} dies in prison, 287. 
Berry, Thomas, at Indian conference, 63. 
Berwick, people killed at, 159, 160. 
Bickford, William, killed, 163. 
Biggs, William, cited, 207. 

Billings, , killed, 168. 

Bingham, John, dies, 283. 
Blachford, Benjamin, a captive, 178. 
Blake, Nathan, taken, 93; ransomed, 153. 
Blanchard, William, taken, 163. 
Bliss, Constant, killed, 124, 126. 

Blodget, , killed, 166. 

Bollan, William, 29. 
Bolton, William, a captive, 150. 
Book of the Indians, reference to, 133. 
Boon, John, dies in prison, 285. 
Boovee, Peter, captured, 151. 
Boscawen, Edward, Admiral, 1 54, 201. 
Boularderie, M., defeated, 214. 
Bouquet, Henry, Col., cited, 133. 
Bourne, Melatiah, Sylvanus, 229. 
Boynton, John, killed, 149. 
Brabbon, Guyart, dies in prison, 286. 
Bradbury, Jabez,Capt., 79, 80, 99, 151 i 

Nathan, killed, 151. 
Braddock, Edward, Gen., 21, 25, 29. 
Bradley, Jonathan, killed, 116; Samuel, 

ihidcm. 
Bradshaw, John, killed, 76; one dies, 

284. 
Bradt, ,Capt., 142; John A., killed, 

Brainerd, David, death of, 151. 

Brassier, William, his map, 267. 

Breda, treaty of, 51. 

Bret, Piercy, Capt., 154. 

Briant, William, killed, 90; Sarah, 280, 

dies in captivity, 291. 
Bridgman*s Fort, attacked, 109; burnt, 

'53- 
Bridgman, Jonathan, 119; - wounded, 
2565 dies, 294J Thomas, 11. 



Broad Bay, depredation at, 99. 

Brown, John, wounded, 142J Josiah, 

Capt., 105; Timothy, 96. 
Brunswick, men killed near, 80. 
Bryan, William, murder of, 234. 
Buck, John, wounded, 96. 
Buckler, Robert, soldier, 229. 
Bull, Edward, 145 j Nathaniel, killed, 

ihidem. 
BuUard, John, killed, 93. 

Bunten, , killed, 88. 

Buntin, Robert, and son, taken, 158. 
Burbank, Samuel, taken, 925 dies, 93, 

292. 
Burn, Patrick, a soldier, 229. 
Burnet, William, built Fort Oswego, 52. 
Burnet, or Burnel, killed, 159. 
Burnet's Field, surprise at, 148. 
Burns, Robert, escape of, 88. 
Burt, Asahel, killed, 143 j Nicholas, dies, 

294. 
Butler, Caleb, cited, 157. 
Butler, Richard, of Boston, 229. 
Butler, Walter, exploit of, 138-40. 
Burton, Stephen, wounded, iio, 230. 
Byron, John, adventures of, 249, 250. 

CABOT, pretended discovery of, 188. 
Caesar, a saying of, 52. 
Cacknawages, number of, 34. 
Cadaraqui, Lake Ontario, 65. 
Caldwell, George, killed, 145. 
Calmady, Warwick, Capt., 184, 209. 
Canada, population of, 34 j belonged to 

the French, 50 j condition of, 65. 
Canajohara Indian killed, 144. 
Canceau, or Canso, captured, 23, 198; 

by the French, 54; great rejoicing 

in France, 575 Gut of, described, 

42, 200. 
Cape Breton, importance of, 6; belonged 

originally to England, 88. 
Cape Cod Indian, feat of one, 216. 
Cape Sable Indians, 43 ; war declared 

against, 61, 82; some taken, 775 

infection among, 132. 
Captives, return of some, 172. 
Carqueville, Steur de, exploit of, 40. 
Carr, James, killed, 158 j Richard, 

wounded, 230. 
Carrying-place, at Wood Creek, 91. 
Carthagena, disastrous expedition, 195. 



Index. 



3°3 



Caskebee, Casco Bay, 179. 

Chandler, , killed, 168. 

Chapeau-Rouge Bay, 206, 214. 
Chapin, Elisha, exploit, 160, 162. 
Chapman, William, a prisoner, 279, 286. 
Charlestown, why so named, 142. 
Charlevoix, P., cited, 42, 43, 188. 
Chatelain, Lieut., exploit of, ill. 
Cheaole, Edward, a captive, 179, 180. 
Cheap, David, Capt., cast away, 249. 
Chebufto, its locahty, 282. 
Cheney, William, a soldier, 230. 
Chester, man killed there, %%. 
Chew, Lieut., fight and loss, 147, 170. 
Choate, John, 63, 176, 230. 
Clark, Edward, Lieutenant, 230 j Elijah, 

killed, 150; George, killed, 145; 

Matthew, killed, 97. 
Clermont, M., at siege of Annapolis, 55, 

57- 
Clesson, — — , Capt., at Deerfield, 126. 

Cleves, , Capt., voyage, 240. 

Clinton, De Wit, 62. 

Clinton, George, Gov., 34, 62, 65, 66, 

69, 82, 113, 178. 
Clinton, Peter, a captive, 178. 
Cloutman, Edward, a captive, 90, 91 j 

escapes, 281. 
Cobb, Sylvanus, journal of, 230. 

Coffin, , Capt., 173. 

Colbe, Timothy, a captive, 178, 
Colerain, men killed at, 97 j fort, 104, 

137, 13?- 

Colman, Benjamin, 305 dies, 150. 

Colson, Timothy, a captive, 178. 

Colville, Alexander, Lord, 250. 

Concord, men surprised and killed, 116. 

Conde, Adam, killed, 170. 

Conessetagoes, number ot, 34. 

Connedlicut, in the Louisbourg expedi- 
tion, 28, 69, 84, 198 J population, 

35- 

Conner, Francis, a captive, 170, 178 j 
John, killed, 234. 

Contoocook, attacked, 95, 116. 

Cook, Elisha, killed, 95 ; Thomas, 96. 

Cooper, Boyce, captured, 81 j Moses, 
killed, 156. 

Corbett, Jesse, drowned, 92. 

Corlaer's Creek, 38, 39. 

Corne, St. Luc de la, at Fort Massachu- 
setts, 36. 



Cornwall, Frederick, Capt., 212. 
Cotton, Rowland, Secretary, 107. 
Covell, William, wounded, 231. 
Cox, John, Capt., killed, 145 ; Joseph, 

killed, 146. 
Crecy, Joseph, a soldier, 231. 
Creighton, David, killed, 81. 
Crisson, Thomas, captured, 168. 
Cromwell, Oliver, i^i, 272. 
Crosby, Josiah, petitioner, 231. 
Crown Point expedition frustrated, 27 j 

French magazine, 28 j Fort St. 

Frederick, 36 ; seized by the French, 

52, 53; some Mohawks assault, 124. 
Croxford, William, killed, 173. 
Cumberland, Duke of, victorious, 272, 

275, 278. _ 
Cummings, Timothy, captured, 100 j 

dies, 289 



DAILY, William, a prisoner, 1135 
dies, 285. 
Dalhonde, John, physician, 231, 
232. 

Damariscotta, people killed at, 143, 
144. 

Darling, Lieut., 1695 killed, 170. 

Davarisks, James, deserter, 229. 

David, Capt. [Donahew?], 42, 43. 

Davis, , Capt., 113,173; Jedidiah, 

232; John, wounded, 100, 2325 
dies, 283. 

D'Anville, Due, disaster of, 154,271. 

Debeline, Mons., defeat of, 140-2. 

Deerfield, attack on, 125, 126. 

D'Estaing, Count, 250. 

Desabrevois, Capt., 36. 

De Graaf, Klas A., killed, 1905 Abra- 
ham, dies, 293. 

Delancy, James, 26. 

Demuy, Mons., Lieut., 40, 262, 264, 
268, 271, 273, 274, 276. 

Denning, Joseph, dies in prison, 289. 

Diary of depredations, 6, 107—74. 

Dickinson, Nathaniel, killed, 143. 

Dill, John, dies in captivity, 289. 

Dixwell, Bazil, Lieut., 232. 

Doane, Elisha, Captain, 232. 

Dod, John, killed, 162. 

Dogan, Michael, dies in prison, 287. 

Dogaman, Peter, a prisoner, 178. 



3^4 



Index, 



Dogs, employed, 102 j give notice of the 
vicinity of Indians, 114, 116, 117 5 
order to dispose of them, 1325 in 
the Florida and other wars, 133. 

Doliber, Thomas, 233. 

Donahevi', David, Capt., 43 ; exploit, 66 j 
surprised and slain, 7 5 ; of Newbury, 
77, 82, 199, 229, 233, 284. 

Doolittle, Benjamin, 10, 13, 78, 94, 105, 
109, 125, 152, 296; Hon. Mark, 
II. 

Door, Jonathan, a captive, iii. 

Dorman, Ephraim, exploit, 93. 

Doty, Mons., interpreter, 260, 261. 

Douglas, James, Capt., 209. 

Douglass, William, cited, 17, 54, 56, 58, 
62, 66, 67, 72, 75, 172, 203, 211, 
221, 247. 

Dover, Allen, attacked, 116. 

Downing, John, 176 j Robert, 113. 

Downs, Gershom, killed, ill. 

Doyle, James, dies in captivity, 294. 

Drake, Francis, Captain, 295. 

Drake, Nathaniel, Captain, 114. 

Dresser, Nathaniel, killed, 142. 

Drisdell, Eleanor, 244. 

Drown, Samuel, wounded, 146. 

Drowned Lands, location of, 267. 

Dubuque, , 31. 

Du Chambon, M., a poltroon, 54, 221. 

Dudley, Joseph, his war, 13. 

Dummer, Jeremiah, cited, 20, 33. 

Dummer, William, his war, 14. 

Dunbar, Robert, escape of, 90, 281. 

Dunham, Jonathan, dies in prison, 284, 

Dunn. John, Major, 233. 

Duplessis, Sieur, 56, 89. 

Duqucsnel, Meneville, Gov., 54, 56. 

Durel, Philip, Capt., 209, 210. 

Duvivier, M., takes Canceau, 23, 54, 
183, 192, 199. 

Dwight, Jasper, councillor, 195. 

Dwight, Joseph, Gen., 132. 

Dyer, Reuben, captured, 145. 

Dyre, Joseph, complaint of, 233. 

EAMES, Nathan, a captive, 119; dies, 
283. 
Eaton, Cyrus, cited, 22, 80 j Eben- 
ezer, killed, 159. 
Eden, Daniel, a captive, 178. 
Edghill, , a captive, 168. 



Edwards, Jonathan, 1525 Richard, Capt., 
212. 

Egeremmet, a Penobscot chief, 176. 
Eliot, John, cited, 22; Mr., killed, 143. 
Ely, Joseph, wounded, 141. 
Eneas, a Norridgwok chief, 176. 
Epsom, people captured, 149. 
Erving, John, 30; Shirley, Ibidem. 
Esparagoosaret, a Penobscot chief, 176. 

Estabrook, , killed, 132. 

Eustis, William, Gov., 31. 
Evans, Samuel, dies in prison, 289. 

FALAISE, Lieut., exploit, no. 
Fall Town, Bernardston, 96, 137; 
men killed, 148. 

Falmouth attacked, 143, 144. 

Farmer, Daniel, taken, 168 ; John, cited, 
215,277. 

Fainsworth, Stephen, 91. 

Farnsworth, Samuel, killed, lOi. 

Fearne, John, at Louisbourg, 234. 

Fisher, Josiah, killed, 78. 

Fitch, John, and family, carried off, 165. 

Flag of truce, discussion on, 128, 129. 

Flathead, tribe of Indians, 38. 

FoUes Avoines. See Wild Rice. 

Folsom, George, cited, 128. 

Folson, John, Killed, 149. 

Forbush, Phinehas, 280; dies, 294. 

Fort, Abraham, dies, 292; John, Capt., 
dies, 87, 288. 

Fort Dummer, 101, 109, 153, 156. 

Fort Halifax built, 20. 

Fort Hinsdale, location, 137. 

Fort How, location, 137. 

Fort Massachusetts, 104; captured, 117, 
iiS,J46, 159, 160; names of pri- 
soners, 119; French account, I22j 
fight there, 1465 other fads, 253, 
254. 259, burnt i 260, 297. 

Fort Niagara, location, 52. 

Fort Pelham, men at, 137. 

Fort St. Frederick, 365 built, 52, 124. 

Fort Shirley, 137, 253. 

Fort, Southerland, a prisoner, 178, 179. 

Fort Western built, 20. 

Foster, , killed, 143. 

Fowle, Daniel, printer, 251. 

Fowler, Jeremiah, 92. 

Frankland, Henry, Sir, 29. 

Frement, Samuel, a captive, 179. 



Index. 



305 



French, Nathan, killed, 163. 
French, documents, expeditions, 9 ; war 
periods, 13, 14; a great armada sent 
against New England, 26; barbar- 
ism of, 32; their management of 
the Indians, 33 ; possessed advan- 
tages over the English, 34; their 
account of expeditions sent against 
New England, 35-41; their story 
of wrongs, 41-44; receive early 
intelligence of the declaration of 
war, 47 ; had a better title to New 
England than the English, 50, 53; 
run away with the bone, 52; built 
their forts with English strouds, 53; 
take Canso, 54; defeated by Dona- 
hew, 66; ships taken at Lcuis- 
bourg, 70 ; losses there, 70 ; prison- 
ers shipped to France, 71, 72; take 
Fort Massachusetts, 119-22; an 
armada sent against New England, 
129; great sickness among, 132; 
bounties for prisoners and scalps, 
134; success at Pemaquid, 145, 
146; defeat at Fort Massachusetts, 
147; besiege it, 254; take and 
burn it, 260. 

Frost, John, killed, 163. 

Frousac, Strait, 42. 

Fuller, Thomas, saying of, 190. 

Furbush, Phinehas. See Forbush. 

GABARUS BAY. See Chapeau- 
ROUGE. 

Galbaoth, William, dies in prison, 
287. 
Galissoniere, Count de la, 278. 
Ganiengoton, takes scalps to Montreal, 37. 
Ganon, M., accusation against, 41. 
Gardner, John, a pilot, 234. 
Garrish, George, a smith, 234. 
Gartrage, Archibald, dies in captivity, 294. 
Gatienoude, an Iroquois, killed, 37. 
Gatroup, Mattee, a captive, 178. 
Gayton, Pierce, Capt., 183, 184, 234. 
George Second, King, 47, 272. 
George's Fort, 79, 82, 83, 99, 151. 
Gerrish, Samuel, 77. 
Gibson, James, Col., 22, 23, 72. 
GiUett, Adonijah, killed, 126. 
Gilson, Michael, wounded, 109. 
Girard, Lacroix, Capt., 222. 

Oo 



Girler, William, a pilot, 235. 
Glen, Jacob, Jr., killed, 170. 
Goffe, John, Capt., march of, 95 ; Wil- 
liam, a captive, 178. 
Goodale, Thomas, killed, 153. 
Goodman, Samuel, a captive, 119 ; dies, 

28S. 
Gordon, Joseph, killed, 128 ; Pike, a 

captive, ihiJrn:, 28 I ; dies, 284. 
Gorham, John, Capt., 42 ; Col., 58, 129, 

'73.^35- 
Gorhamtown, tragedy at, 90, 283. 
Gould, Nathaniel, killed, 153. 
Graves, Asahel, killed, 168; Samuel, 

wounded, 164. 
Graville, Aylmer, commissioner of ex- 
change, 172. 
Gray, Joseph, dies in captivity, 291. 
Great Meadows, surprise at, 77 ; location, 

78, 85. 
Green Farms, location, 39. 
Green River, garrison, 138. 
Gridley, Richard, Col., 69. 
Groot, Simon, killed, 98. 
Grote, John, dies in prison, 283. 
Groton, tragedy at, 156. 

Groves, , Lieut., 146. 

Greely, Philip, killed, 116. 
Guerrefille, Greenfield .? 39. 
Gun, Samuel, killed, 164. 

HAGADORN, Jonathan, a captive, 
87; dies, 286. 
Hall, Andrew, 77. 

Halliburton, T. C., cited, 67, 191, 266, 
267. 

Hancock, Thomas, 232. 

Hardy, Charles, Sir, 201, 

Harry, Indian chief, 176. 

Harris, Thomas, 235. 

Harrison, W. H., Gen , 260. 

Harrytown, location of, 95. 

Hart, Ensign, his company surprised, 131. 

Hartwell, Edward, Major, 94. 

Harvey, Benjamin, killed, 151 ; Josiah, 
wounded, 100 ; Moses, 92. 

Hawes, Lieutenant, killed, 145. 

Hawke, Edward, Sir, 250. 

Hawks, Eleazer, killed, 125; Gershom, 
wounded, 104; John, Sergeant, 
wounded, 97 ; at Fort Massachu- 
setts, 118, 152-5, 277. 



3o6 



Index. 



Hawley, Lieut., wounded, 171. 
Heard, Joseph, killed, iii. 
Heaton, Cornet, wounded, 105. 
Henderson, John, taken, 153. 
Hendrick, expedition into Canada, 135, 

148. 
Henry Fourth, declares war, 51. 
Henry, John, captured, 168. 
Hicks, Nathaniel, wounded, 235. 
Hills, Daniel, a soldier, 235. 
Hilton, Ebenezer, killed, 149; William, 

taken, ibidem. 

Hinkley, , killed, 144. 

Hinsdale's fort, ambush near, iii, 153. 
Hitchcock, Nathaniel, a captive, 119, 

281 5 dies, 292. 
Hobbs, Humphrey, Capt., 163-5. 
Hocquart, M., 76. 
Hodgdon, Mrs., killed, 159} Jonathan, 

ibidem. 
Holburne, Admiral, 242. 
Hollis, Isaac, 160, 161. 
Holmes, Abiel, cited, 112. 
Holton, Jacob, killed, 94. 
Hoosuck Fort. See Fort Massachusetts. 
Hoosuck River, 39; Road, 262. 
Hopkins, Captain, 126. 
Housatunnuk Indians, 77. 
How, Daniel, Jr., taken, 68, 109, no, 

287. 

How, Nehemiah, taken, 85, 109; dies, 
293. 

Howard, John, killed, 162. 

Howe, Caleb, 78. 

Hoyt, Moses, a soldier, 235. 

Hubbard, Zechariah, a captive, 292. 

Hunniwell, Roger, wounded, 235. 

Hunt, Eliakim, killed, 100. 

Huntington, Hezekiah, 97 ; dies in cap- 
tivity, 291. 

Hutchinson, Eliakim, 29, 31. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, on Shirley, 17; 
Speaker of the General Court, 107 ; 
commissioner, 63, 84; portrait, 
108; cited, 112; at the Indian 
treaty, 176; anecdote from, 177. 

INDIANS, easily imposed upon, 33 ; 
chiefly on the side of the French, 
34 J numbers, /^/(/ffm ,- tribes engaged 
with the French, 41 ; contagion 
spread among, 43 ; had great ad- 



Indians (continued) — 

vantages in a war, 41 ; had causes 
of complaint, 49 ; great conference 
at Albany, 53; St. John tribe, and 
others, attempt the surprise of An- 
napolis, 55 ; some employed as 
rangers, 58 ; Mohawks secured by 
the English, 59 j some sent to se- 
cure the Eastern Indians, 60, 63; 
war declared against, 61, 82; some 
killed near George's Fort, 83 ; bar- 
barously murdered, 84; conference 
at Albany, 84; surprise Saratoga, 
86 J signal repulse at Number Four, 
105; attempt Rochester, no; 
council at Albany, 113, 114; sur- 
prise men at Saratoga, 127, 131; 
at Sheepscott, 132; attempts to 
Christianize the Stockbridges, i6oj 
great assembly at Albany, 170 ; 
some at New York, 173 ; condition 
at the close of the war, 17553 dele- 
gation at Boston, 175, 176; treaty 
at Falmouth, 176; annoyance at 
Louisbourg, 218, 219 ; at Fort Mas- 
sachusetts, 255 J enter it, 260; carry 
their prisoners on their backs, 263 j 
and other ways, 265. 

Ingersole, Ensign, 246. 

Irish, Stephen, surprised, 103. 



JACKSON, William, Capt., 236. 
Jebufta. See Chebucto. 

Jedoure, murders there, 61. 

Jenkins, , Capt., 207 ; Philips, 236. 

Jennens, Paul, 147. 

Jennings, , killed, 166. 

Job, Col. (Indian), dies in prison, 83; 

his wife, 84 J son-in-law, 100. 
Johnson, Joel, captured, 163; William. 

26; Colonel, 138; Mrs., narrative 

of, 174. 
Johnson, Lieut., exploit of, 131. 
Jones, Thomas, taken, 95 j Captain, 66, 

67 ; dies, 282. 
Jonquiere, Jaques, P. de T., 40, 154, 

180. 
Jordan, Henry, wounded, 236 ; John, 

dies, 288. 
Jose, Francis, a pilot, 236. 
Julien, , 31. 



Index. 



307 



KAKECOUTE [Schaghticoke?],39. 
fCeene. See Upper Ashuelot. 
Kellogg, Martin, Captain, 161. 
Kelton, Jonathan, armourer, 236. 
Kenny, Nathan, wounded, 237. 
Kilpatrick, T., Lieut., 1 5 1 } John, killed, 

ibidem. 
Kincaid, James, killed, 158. 
Kinderhook, attacked, 98, 142, 163. 
King Philip's war, dogs used in, 132. 
Kinlade, James, a prisoner, 84. 
Kinsey, John, 85. 
Kinslaw, John, Captain, 237. 
Kintigo, a Mohawk, exploit of^ 147. 
Kiskakon Indians join the French, 41. 
Kneeland, Abner, Rev., 174. 
Knight, William, captured, 142. 
Knowles, Charles, Com , 141, 142, 184, 

275. 
Knowlton, Joseph, 1 20 j Thomas, killed, 

118, 258. 
Konkapot, Ensign, killed, 146. 

LACORNE, M.St. Luc, 262. 
Lahontan, Baron, cited, 188. 
Lake, Benjamin, captured, 159. 

Lake George, its Indian name, 267. 

Lake of the Two Mountains, 33, 37, 
180. 

Lake Sacrament, 36. 

Lambert, William, prisoner, 28. 

Langdon, Capt., men surprised, 131. 

Laplante, Sieur, wounded, 140. 

Larman, John, captured. 143, 291. 

Lawrence, Charles, General, 201 ; Tho- 
mas, 85; , captured, 168. 

Leatherland, Jacob, a soldier, 237. 

Le Heve, surprise there, 76. 

Leke, Thomas, Captain, 271. 

Lescarbot, names an island, 75. 

Lewis, Thomas, complaint against. 237, 
248. 

Lion, Aaron, killed, 100. 

Littlefield, , 274. 

Livingston, William, 17, 66, 142. 

Long Creek, man killed at, 103. 

Longueil, Chevalier, 153. 

Loring, Matthew, capture and death, 148, 

Lothrop, Simon, Col., 69. 

Loudon, Lord, 25. 

Louis XV, declares war, 47. 



Louisbourg, expedition, 17 j origin, 23 j 
taken, 67 ; details of the capture, 
71, 72, 107; strength ^of, 190 j 
siege of, 187-224. 

Loutre, M. Le, at Annapolis, 55. 

Lovet, Samuel, a captive, 119 j dies, 287. 

Lovett, Joseph Woodward, 229, 237. 

Lowell, Abner, wounded, 145. 

Lower Ashuelot, affairs of, 96, 115. 

Lufkin, John, killed, 116. 

Lunenburg, garrison taken, 165-7. 

Lydius, John Henry, 87, 180. 

Lydle, Leonard, captive, 90 j married, 
283. 

McCARTEES, Susanna, dies, 289. 
McCoy, Mrs., captivated, 149. 
McFaden, James, a soldier, 238. 
McFarlane, John, wounded, 127, 178; 

Walter, a captive, returned, 177. 
McForney, Samuel, taken, 158. 
McGraw, Christopher, a captive, 17S. 
McKenney, Daniel, wounded, 164J wife 

killed, 93, 94. 
McNeer, John, captured, 132, 283. 
McJ^uade, James, killed, 88. 
Magawambee, a NorrJdgewok, 176. 
Magra, Thomas, dies in captivity, 288. 
Maison Forte, de la, taken, 209, 211, 212. 
Mann, Daniel, killed, 1 62 j Robert, 

Capt., 72. 

March, ,Mr., taken, 143; John, 238 

Marechite, Indian tribe, 55. 
Marcy, Joseph, killed, 100. 
Mariens, John, killed, 170. 
Marin, Mons., defeated, 67, 76, 86. 
Marsh, Jacob, chirurgeon, 237. 
Martin, Samuel, died in captivity, 291. 
Mascareene, Paul, Colonel, 55, 57. 
Massachusetts, population of, 34, 35; 

Shirley's services to, 74, 84; out of 

New England, 257. 
Materials for history, 8-14. 
Mather, Cotton, cited, 13, 33 j Increase, 

248. 
Maurepas, Count, 33, 76. 

Mayberry, , Mr., i 50. 

Mayhew, Benjamin, 145, 146. 
Mejagouche Bay, location, 43. 
Melvin, Eleazar, Capt., 1035 relieves 

Shattuck's Fort, 137 i surprise and 

tight, 161. 



3o8 



Index. 



Mihils, John, wounded, 97. 

Mickmacks, attack Annapolis, 55; sur- 
prise and kill Capt. Donahew and 
his men, 76; surprise Capt. Rouse, 
112. 

Mills, John, killed, 148. 

Minas, location of, 67, 76. 

Missiquecks, number of, 34, 38 ; join the 
French, 41. 

Mitchell, Ebenezer, killed, 164. 

MofFet, Robert, attacked, 96. 

Mohawks, held in dread, 58 ; some go 
against Crown Point, 124: and 
Canada, 135, 138; captives, 178. 

Mohegans, sickness among, 132. 

Mole, Adam, exchanged, 178. 

Monckton, Robert, Colonel, 25, 242. 

Monteson, M. C. de, exploit, 112. 

Moore, Samuel, Col., at Louisbourg, 69. 

Morell, , Miss, killed, 160. 

Morepang, Capt., defeated, 214. 

Morris, Col., killed, 83. 

Morrison, David, captivated, 114; Hugh, 
104. 

Morse, Jedediah, cited, 282. 

Moulton, Jeremiah, councilor, 195. 

Mount Swag, people killed, 149. 

Moxas, Lieut. Governor [Col. Morris.'], 
83. 

Murray, James, General, 25. 



•VTAKLOONOS,aNorricigewokchief, 

Nason, William, capture and 
death, i 36, 293. 
Nasqumbuit, a Norridgewok chief, 276. 
Nermon, a Penobscot chief, 176. 
Negroes, captured, 87 j killed, 95, 96, 

98. 

Nelson, Temple, 2465 John, ibidem. 

Nevers, Elisha. a soldier, 229, 238. 

Newcastle, Duke of, 19, 65, 81. 

New England, deplorably situated, 49 j 
population, 355 losses and wrongs, 
70. 

New England H. and G. Register, 25, 
279. 

New Hampshire, services, 28 j popula- 
tion, 35 i in the Louisbourg expedi- 
tion, 695 French prisoners in, 72. 

New Hopkinton, surprised, 92. 



New Meadows Neck, one killed there, 

144. 
New York, offers reward for scalps, 87. 
Nichewag, location of? 157. 
Nicolson, Joshua, a captive, 179, 180. 
Nidlumbouit, a Penobscot chief, 176. 
Nims, Elisha, killed, 104. 
Nipissings, 36; return with scalps, 37-9, 

41, 89 J location of, 180. 
NiverviUe, Chev. de, 36, 89, 91. 
Noble, Arthur, surprised and killed, 1365 

James, Capt., disgraced, 238. 
. Norman's kill, people slain, 99. 
Norridgewoks, treaty with, 176. 
Norris, Isaac, commissioner, 85. 
Northampton, man killed, 150. 
Norwood, William, dies in captivity, 294. 
Northfield, depredations at, 116, 137, 

North Yarmouth, depredations at, 116, 

Norton, John, marries two captives, go, 
283; chaplain at Fort Massachu- 
setts, 118; letter of, 120; his Re- 
deemed Captive, 251 j notice of, 

Norwood, William, son killed, 98 j dies, 

"3- 

Notre Dame, Te Deum at, 57. 

Nottingham, men killed at, 149. 

Nova Scotia, its importance, 5, 8, 20; 
key to New England, 51 ; set off 
from Cape Breton, 1S8. 

Number Four, attacked, 94 ^ men killed, 
100 J in distress, 101 j again at- 
tacked, 105, 114; exposed, 117 i 
brave defense of^ 140-25 men sur- 
prised, 115. 

OBINACKS, number of, 34. 
Oequarme Fort [Number Four], 
154. 
Oglethorp. [ames, General, 47. 
Old Indian Chronicle, 48, 53. 
Old Tenor, value of, 62, 88. 
Ondcriquegon, drowned land, 267. 
Onondagos, former name of, 82. 
Ontario, Cadaraqui, 65. 
Orange. See Albany. 
Osgood, Benjamin, captured, 163. 

O'SuUivan, , Dr., 275, 276. 

Oswego, fort built at, 52, 53. 



Index. 



309 



Otis, James, at Indian treaty, 176. 
Ottowas, join the French, 41, 82. 
Outassago, leads against Saratoga, 36. 
Owen, James, killed, 76, 113. 

PADENUQUE, James, Indian, 42. 
Paine, Capt., at Number Four, 100. 
Pais, , Mr., 279. 

Palatine, a German settlement, 98. 

Paper money, value, etc., 17, 62, 88. 

Paquage, location of, 117. 

Parker, David, wounded, 105 \ Isaac, 
captured, 91. 

Parsons, Usher, cited, 191. 

Particular History, of recent origin, 6, 7. 

Peace, proclaimed in Boston, 174. 

Pelham Fort, location, 253. 

Pemaquid, depredations at, 127, 144, 
150. 

Penhallow, Samuel, cited, 240, 274. 

Penobscots, treaty with, 176. 

Pepperrell, William, Gen., 63; Lieut. - 
General, 69 j at Boston, 108 ; coun- 
cilor, 195; at Canso, 198} besieges 
and takes Louisbourg, 1S7-224. 

Pereez, a Norridgewok chief, 176. 

Perkins, Moses, captured, 163. 

Perrin, Peter, killed, 100. 

Perry, John, a captive, 119, 262, 263, 
2775 Rebecca, dies, 285. 

Peters, Obediah, killed, 116. 

Petipas, Banholomew, a prisoner, 43. 

Pett, Jacob, killed, 145. 

Petty, Joseph, killed, 162. 

Philbrook, Job, taken, 158. 

Philip Fifth, war with, 47. 

Philips, John, a captive, 178. 

Philip, King, his war, 132, 246. 

Philipson, Philip, a captive, 179. 

Phillips, Ebenezer, killed, 114; John, 
280, 281. 

Phips, Spencer, Gov., 83, 176; William, 
killed, 77, 78. 

Pierce, James, 2385 Samuel, wounded, 
100. 

Pike, Thomas, Lieut., 238. 

Pines, Thomas, a soldier, 238, 239. 

Pinkham, Zephaniah, a prisoner, 280, 
281. 

Piper, Henry, a captive, 179, 180. 

Piquet, Francis, a priest, 87. 

Pitcher, Reuben, captured, 81. 



Pitman, John, dies in captivity, 293. 

Pitt, William, secretary, 50. 

Pixley, Noah, killed, 159. 

Place, John, wounds an Indian, 147. 

Platter, Lawrence, dies, 282. 

Poependal, bloody fight near, 169. 

Point de Cheveux (Frederic), 36. 

Point Shirley, named, 25. 

Poquoig, location of, 157. 

Port St. Peter, location of, 43. 

Portois, Joseph, 279. 

Pote, William, Capt., a prisoner, 279, 

280. 
Potter, Chandler E., cited, 23, 95, 149. 
Poutewatamies, join the French, 41. 
Powers, Ephraim, captured, 168. 
Pownal, Thomas, Gov., portrait, 24. 
Pratt, Amos, a captive, 1195 dies, 288. 
Preble, Jedediah, Capt., 1735 Zebulon, 

239- 
Price, Ebenezer, cited, 96. 
Price, Roger, commissary, 30. 
Priest, Eleazer, taken, 155. 
Prince Edward's Island, ^5. 
Prince, Thomas, portrait, 79; history ai 

the Louisbourg expedition, 1S7-206. 
Prindle, WilUam, a captive, 765 dies, 

113, 294. 

Prodor, , Lieut., 83, 114, 142. 

Prout, Ebenezer, commissary, 238. 
Puans, join the French, 41. 
Putnam, Seth, killed, 94, 100. 
Pynchon, Charles, physician, 239. 

QUACKENBUS, Rachel, a captive 
i79; Martha, dies in captivity, 
2855 Jacob and Isaac, die, 293 

RAMBAULT, Sieur G., 36, I 
taken, 152, 153. 
Ramezay, M. de, defeats Colonel 
Noble, 136, 287, 288. 
Rawson, Joseph, killed, 115; Edward, 

116. 
Ray, Patrick, wounded, 109. 
Raymond, Count de, 44. 
Raymond, Benjamin, 229, 239. 
Read, Jacob, captured, 89; Josiah, dies, 
118, 263, 264, 280; dies, 281; 
John, dies, 283. 
Rebellion, southern, 17. 
Reddington, Nathaniel, a soldier, 239. 



310 



Index, 



Retaliation, discussed, 133. 

Rhude Island, men furnished, 28 j popu- 
lation of, 35 ; in the Louisbourg ex- 
pedition. 69 J other services, 84, 
198. 

Rice, Ralph, wounded, 164. 

Richards, John, a captive, iii. 

Richardson, Joseph, killed, uj, 163. 

Rice, Hannah, a captive, 276. 

Robbins, Williams, killed, 109. 

Roberts, Alexander, captured, 1165 Ro- 
bert David, dies, 293. 

Rochester, depredations at, 146, 147, 
159. 

Rogers, Robert, Maj., 92 j William, 243. 

Rose, Joseph, killed, 168. 

Rouse, John, Capt., expedition to St. 
John, 112} at the capture of the 
Vigilant, 210 j at Louisbourg, 1825 
biography of, 840-35 on the name, 
295. 

Rugg, David, killed, 86. 

Ruggles, John, Captain, 230, 243. 



SABREVOIS, de, Captain, 121. 
Saccarappe, depredation at, 142. 
Saco, men killed there, 43. 
Sadler, John, escapes, 126, 
Saint Blein, Sieur, 37, 40. 
Saint Francis Indians, 34; a chief killed, 

255- 

Saint John Indians, war declared against, 
61, 64, 82. 

Saint John's Island, now Prince Edward's, 
75 i English surprised there, 113. 

Saint Luc, M. de, expedition of, 142. 

Saint Pierre, sent against the English, 35. 

Samuel, Capt., killed, 83. 

Saquish, a chief of Waweenocks, 176. 

Sarratoga [Saratoga], depredations suf- 
fered, 36, 40, 98, 127, 131, 142, 
1475 River, 266, 274. 

Sartle, Jonathan, taken, 153} Obediah, 
taken, 101 ; killed, 174. 

Saunders, Thomas, Capt,, 80, 135, 176. 

Sauteurs, join the French, 41. 

Saut St. Louis, 36, 38, 110. 

Saumarez, Philip, served with Anson, 

154. 

Savage, Arthur, of Pemaquid, 104. 
Sawwaramet, a Waweenock chief, 176. 



Scalps, reward for, 62, 87, 134, 135; 

brought to Boston, 128. 
Scarborough, enemy there, 142. 
Schaghticooke, location of, 39. 
Schavolani, George, a captive, 292. 
Sehene£tady, men killed, 169. 
Schuyler, John, Col., 98 j Captain, 127, 

142. 
Scofield, Philip, a captive, no, 131,2875 

dies, 28S. 
Sconce, Andrew, dies in prison, 283. 
Scooduck, men killed at, 127. 
Scott, Eli, killed, 1 64 J Joseph, 119; 

Miriam, 2665 dies, 2855 Moses, 

261, 262; Moses, Jr., dies, 287; 

Stephen, 119, iSij William, no, 

287. 
Sedgwick, Theodore, Jr., 17. 
Semblin, Sieur, 152. 
Sergeant, John, Rev., 595 recommends 

retaliation, loi j Lieut. , killed, 

.56. 

Severance, Samuel, killed, 162. 
Shattuck's Fort, enemy appear at, 116; 
attempt to burn, 136; abandoned, 

Sheepscott, people killed, 84, 85, 101, 
106, 132. 

Sheldon, Eliakim, wounded, 184. 

Shepard, Jacob, a captive, 119, 2805 
dies, 293. 

Shirley, William, notice of, 15 ; eminent 
services, 16; birth, etc., 18 j stupid 
charges against, ih'tJem ; preserves 
Annapolis, 195 causes furts to be 
built on the Kennebec, 20 j mar- 
riage, ibidem; appointed Major-Ge- 
neral, 21 j his conduct triumphantly 
vindicated, ibidem ; residence, 25 j 
remains in King's Chapel, 25 j his 
successors fortunate, 26; Johnson's 
perfidy to, 26 j misrepresented, 28 j 
time of his arrival at Boston, 295 
parentage, ibidem; his son killed, 
ibidem; portrait accompanying this 
volume, 305 early foresaw the war, 
47; saves Annapolis, 555 declares 
war against the Eastern Indians, 61 j 
plans the Louisbourg expedition, 675 
speech on reimbursement of New 
England, 73 j proceeds to Louis- 
bourg, 80, 81 J his anxiety for the 



Index. 



311 



Shirley, William (continued) — 

frontiers, loi ; recommends sending 
commissioners to Albany, 113; on 
the capture of Fort Massachusetts, 
123; recommends swivel guns, 128; 
message respeding the Mokawks, 
135; writes the other governors 
about treating with the Eastern 
Indians, 175; speeches, 181, 186; 
dedication to, 187; a principal 
former and promoter of the Louis- 
bourg expedition, ibidem; letter to 
the Duke of Newcastle, 213-26; 
careful that New England have full 
credit for the acquisition, 224. 

Shuttleworth, Vincent, wounded, 243. 

Simmons, John, attacked, 117, 

Simonds, Benjamin, a captive, 119. 

Simpson, Elizabeth, killed, 149. 

Six Nations, some at Albany, 53, 63,84, 
170. 



Skillii 



103. 



Sluyck, Tunis, buildings burnt, 98. 

Smeed, Captivity, baptised, 264 ; dies, 

291; Daniel, 260: dies, 290; John, 

119; killed, 153,261; Mary, dies, 

288. 

Smith, John, a captive, 1 1 o, 287 ; killed, 

145, 146; Richard, no, 287. 
Smith, Thomas, cited, 290. 
Smithursiv Capt., lost at sea, 206. 
Soosephinia, a Norridgewok chief, 176. 
South Fort, 148. 

Southerland. James, a prisoner, 279. 
Spartord, John, a prisoner, 91. 
Spier, David, death of, 243. 
Sprong, Cornelius, a captive, 178. 
Stacy, Samuel, dies in captivity, 293. 
Stanhope, Jonathan, wounded, 105. 
Stanley, Nathaniel, commissioner, 85. 
Stansbury, Elisha, a captive, 178, 
Stanwood, Job, wounded, 243, 244. 

Starkee, , killed, 144. 

Stevens, Arent, commissioner, 85; 
Charles, killed, 155; Enos, captured, 
174; Henry, 163; Phinehas, 95; 
brave defence of Number Four, 100, 
105, 140-2, 168. 
Stickney, William, captured, 116. 
Stiles, Ezra, cited, 232. 
Stockbridge Indians, 59, 160, 161. 
Stoddard, John, Col., 63, 84, 132, 134. 



Stoddert, B., Lieutenant, 178-80. 
Stone Arabia, depredation at, 98. 

Storer, , Mrs., captive, 276, 277. 

Strong, Elisha, a soldier, 244. 
Stuart, Edward, the Pretender, 272,275. 
Stubs, Richard, a captive, 127, 281. 
Suitzer, Jacob, 3 captive, 179, 180. 
Sullivan, James, cited, 99, 290. 
Suncook, depredation at, 158. 
Sunderland, John, a captive, no, 287. 
Swanzey, Lower Ashuelot, 96. 
Swett, Joseph, shot, 104. 

TAINTOR, Benjamin, captured, 104, 
no, 287. 
Tarrant, Alexander, a soldier, 244. 
Tatness, Samuel, a soldier, 244. 
Taylor, Isaac, killed, 142; Thomas, cap- 
tured, 168; General Zachery, 113. 
Tedder, Christian, dies, 97; dies, 291. 
Temple, Robert, marriage, 30. 
Terry, John, Captain, 244. 
Thanksgiving, for the capture of Louis- 

bourg, 187. 
Theganacoeiessin, Iroquois chief, 36. 
Thesaotin, leads a war party, 37, 95. 
Thomas, William, surgeon, 244, 
Thompson, John, a captive, 178. 
Tol, Daniel, killed, 169, 170. 
Tomonwilemon, a depredator, 28. 
Topsham, depredation at, 80, 144. 
Toulouse, Port (Port St. Peter), 43. 
Tourmell, M. be. Admiral, 271. 
Townsend, Isaac, Admiral, 230. 
Toxus, a Norridgewok chief, 176. 
Traux, Isaac, missing, 170. 
Trayne, Joshua, a soldier, 244, 245. 
Treaty, of Breda, 51 ; of Utrecht, 189; 
with the Eastern Indians, 176, 177. 
Trent, Capt., fight at Sarratoga, 142. 
Trevanion, John, 250. 
Truth will prevail, 26. 
Turner, Abner, Captain, 245. 
Twichel, Daniel, a soldier, 245. 
Tyng, Edward, Capt,, relieves Annapolis, 
56-8; attends the Governor, 81; 
letter of, 209-11 ; appointed com- 
modore, 241 ; notice of, 245, 246. 

T TPPER ASHUELOT, depredations, 
*-^ 93. 94, 99. '67. 

Utrecht, treaty of, 189. 



3^ 



J 




31? 



Index. 



VANALSTINE, John, buildings 
burnt, 142. 
Van Antwerp, Daniel, killed, 170. 

Vander Bogert, Francis, killed, 170. 

Vanderverick's, 264 j Gratis, dies in pri- 
son, 284. 

Van Schaick, Anthony, Capt., 178. 

Van Slyk, Adrian, killed, 170. 

Van Vorst, Dirk, wounded, 169. 

Vans, Hugh, merchant, 232. 

Varen, Edward, a captive, 178. 

Vaudreuil, M. de Rigaud de, 40; invests 
Fort Massachusetts, Ii7i captures 
it, 118,2585 his losses, 119 ; Town 
Major, 121 J wounded, 122 j pa- 
ternity, 254 ; kind to captives, 264. 

Vaughan, Samuel, dies, 113,2895 Wil- 
liam, 22-4, 202} exploits, 215, 
216, 246, 247. 

Vedder, Albert John, captured, 170J ex- 
changed, 178. 

Verazani, John de, discoveries of, 188. 

Vernon, Edward, Admiral, 195, 

Vielen, Cornelius, Jr., killed, 170. 

Vigilant, frigate, captured, 209. 

Villers, George, a soldier, 247. 

Volmer, Christian, a captive, 179, i8oj 
J., a captive, /^/V(fm/ Thomas, 179. 

Vort, Simon, a captive, 179. 

Vosborough, Peter, a captive, 178. 

Vosburgh, Peter, buildings burnt, 98. 

Vose, John, killed, 151. 

Vroman, John, a captive, 170, 1785 
Peter, killed, 170. 

WALDO, Samuel, General, 69; 
councillor, 195, 229. 
Walker, Nathan, wounded, 1645 

William, 239, 2485 , 

captured, 168. 
Wallingford, Ezekiel, killed, 117. 
Walter, Nathaniel, translator, 248. 
Ward, Edward, Jr., 237,248. 
Wareedcon, a Weweenock chief, 176. 
Warren, David, a captive, 119, 280. 
Warren, Peter, Commodore, 68, 70, 71, 
184, 186; before Louisbourg, 200: 
captures the Vigilant, 209 \ services 
acknowledged, 214. 



Washington, George, 21. 

Wawawnunk, a Wewenock chief, 176. 

Wear's garrison, alarmed, 116. 

Webb, Ezekiel, killed, 145. 

Weiser, Conradt, interpreter, 85. 

Wells, alarmed, 144. 

Wells, Ezekiel, wounded, 171 j Joshua, 
killed, 156; Samuel, 84. 

Wemp, Ryer, captured, 170. 

Wendell, Jacob, at Albany, 63, 84. 

Wentworth, Benning, Gov., 235 coope- 
rates with Shirley, 182. 

Wentworth, John, killed, iii. 

West River, fight there, 162. 

Weston, Josiah, supposed killed, 145, 
146. 

Weweenocks, treaty with, 176. 

Whitmore, Edward, General, 201. 

Whitefield, George, 13. 

Whitney, , wounded, 168. 

Wild Rice Indians, 41. 

Wileman, Tom, depredator, 98. 

Willard, Josiah, 95, iii, 112, 152-4. 

William Third, King, his war, 13. 

Williams, Eunice, 86; Elijah, 146; 
Ephraim, 171 ; Israel, 176; Robert, 
Capt., dies, 292; William, 123, 146. 

Williamson, Jonathan, captured, 84, 99, 
290; William D., cited, 82, 99. 

Willis, William, cited, 114, 279. 

Winchell, Jedidiah, killed, 105. 

Winchester, depredations at, 115,117, 

143- 

Winslow, John, General, 294. 

Wiscasset, people killed, 149. 

Wolfe, James, General, 201. 

Wokott, Roger, commissioner, 85; Ge- 
neral, 195 ; family of, ibidem. 

Woodward, William Elliot, 30. 

Woodwell, David, a captive, 92; Mary, 
ibidem ; dies, 285. 

Woolen, Presbury, captured, 158. 

Wright, Amasa, wounded, 115; Benja- 
min, killed 116; Moses, wounded, 
1 12. 

Wyman, Matthew, a captive, 163. 

Wynne, Huddlestone, cited, 173. 



